This book explores how issues of power, form and subjectivity feature at the core of all serious thinking about the media, including appreciations of their creativity as well as anxiety about the risks they pose. Drawing widely on an interdisciplinary literature, the author connects his exposition to examples from film, television, radio, photography, painting, web practice, music and writing in order to bring in topics as diverse as reporting the war in Afghanistan, the televising of football, documentary portrayals of 9/11, reality television, the diversity of taste in the arts and the construction of civic identity. The book is divided into two parts. In the first part, three big chapters on each of the key notions provide an interconnected discussion of the media activities opened up for exploration and the debates they have provoked. The second part presents examples, arguments and analysis drawing on the author's previous work around the core themes, with notes placing them in the context of the whole book. The book brings together concepts both from Social Studies and the Arts and Humanities, addressing a readership wider than the sub-specialisms of media research. It refreshes ideas about why the media matter, and how understanding them better remains a key aim of cultural inquiry and a continuing requirement for public policy.
This book is about the transformation of Germany's security and defence policy in the time between the 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 war against Iraq. It traces and explains the reaction of Europe's biggest and potentially most powerful country to the ethnic wars of the 1990s, the emergence of large-scale terrorism, and the new US emphasis on pre-emptive strikes. Based on an analysis of Germany's strategic culture, it portrays Germany as a security actor and indicates the conditions and limits of the new German willingness to participate in international military crisis management that developed over the 1990s. The book debates the implications of Germany's transformation for Germany's partners and neighbours, and explains why Germany said ‘yes’ to the war in Afghanistan, but ‘no’ to the Iraq War. Based on a comprehensive study of the debates of the German Bundestag and actual German policy responses to the international crises between 1991 and 2003, it provides insights into the causes and results of Germany's transformation.
Afghanistan lasted for a decade and saw the
military and ideological mobilisation of a number of radical
Islamist groups and individuals throughout the Arab world,
as many foreign fighters joined the ranks of the Afghan guerrillas. These foreign fighters went to Afghanistan to participate in a jihad against invaders who had desecrated Muslim
soil and most Arab regimes encouraged thousands of young
men to participate. Algeria was no different. The warinAfghanistan and militant Islamism became inextricably
linked because of the practical necessity of uniting Afghan
The end of the Bush regime, and its replacement by a new Democrat administration headed by Barack Obama, was hailed as a sign of positive
directional change in the war on terror. Yet despite key areas of difference, continuities in US policy remained apparent. The most significant
of these centred on the warinAfghanistan, where the shifting nature of
the military strategy was accompanied by an increasing escalation in the
conflict. In Britain, where domestic support for the campaign remained
weak, ministers continued to emphasise the national
This concluding chapter, teases out the lessons learned and lessons lost from these Cold War programs, and relates these to current policies in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere. Described are Nixon's philosophy and rationale for turning away from nation building, his Nixon Doctrine, and his subsequent emphasis on bolstering authoritarian gendarmes as a means of withdrawing the US from nation building and development programs abroad. The chapter goes on to critique the US policies under study, and attempts to identify lessons that seem to have been learned or lost based on America's conduct of its ambitious wars in Afghanistan and Iraq since 2001.
This book analyses the evolving Anglo-American counter-terror propaganda strategies that spanned the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as reconstruction, between 2001 and 2008. It offers insights into the transformation beyond this period, tracking many key developments as much as possible up to the time of writing (2013) and providing a retrospective on the 'war on terror'. Using empirical data located within multiple spheres, the book draws on sociology, political science and international relations, developing an interdisciplinary analysis of political communication in the international system. It shows how media technologies presented legal, structural and cultural problems for what were seen as rigid propaganda systems defined by their emergence in an old media system of sovereign states with stable target audiences. Propaganda successes and advances were an inconsistent by-product both of malfunction and of relationships, cultures and rivalries, both domestically and between the partners. The differing social relations of planners and propagandists to wider society create tensions within the 'machine', however leaders may want it to function. The book demonstrates that the 'messy' nature of bureaucracy and international systems as well as the increasingly fluid media environment are all important in shaping what actually happens. In a context of initial failures in formal coordination, the book stresses the importance of informal relationships to planners in the propaganda war. This situated Britain in an important yet precarious position within the Anglo-American propaganda effort, particularly in Iraq.
war whom the administration refuses to treat as such. The United States
is a functioning democracy but its handling of individuals seized during the warinAfghanistan resembles the behaviour of unaccountable hostage-takers.
This discussion suggests some of the difﬁculties involved in drawing too sharp
a distinction between the war-making of states and the terrorism of non-state
actors on the grounds of political accountability. Until democratic societies such
as the United States and Great Britain succeed in ensuring a greater accountability to public opinion
the war. Next, it will
take up the role of intelligence and how it was used before the war.
Finally, the conclusion will abstract some lessons that might be learned
about presidential decision making about going to war.
The march to
As has been mentioned above, in
contrast to the president’s decision to go to warinAfghanistan,
which was made
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.