Search results
This book is a tribute to Enzo Mingione and his contribution to the fields of sociology and urban studies on the occasion of his retirement. It touches upon the processes of transformation of cities to the informal economy, from the Fordist crisis to the rediscovery of poverty, from the welfare state and welfare policies to migration and the transformation of work. These themes constitute the analytical building blocks of this book on the transitions that Western capitalist societies are undergoing. The book focuses on social foundations of Western capitalism, explaining how socio-economic and institutional complementarities that characterised postwar capitalism created relatively integrated socio-economic regimes, It has five thematic sections reflecting five areas of capitalism, the search interests of Enzo Mingione. The first discusses the transformations of global capitalism, addressing how capitalism works and how it changes. The second provides insights into the mechanisms of re-embedding, in particular how welfare policies are part of a societal reaction to capitalism's disruptive dynamic. The third addresses some main challenges that citizenship systems established in the post-war period have had to face, from the spread of new employment regimes to new migratory flows. The fourth addresses cities and their transformation and the final section addresses poverty and its spatial dimension as a crucial lens through which to understand the differentiated impact of the processes of change in Western capitalist societies, both in socio-economic and spatial terms.
chapter’s focus is largely on the KBHPA and provides a case study of local authority child welfare policies. Women, children and home assistance The early Free State poor law reforms extended women’s entitlement to relief. Under the pre-1921 system, able-bodied single women, widows with one child, deserted wives and women whose husbands were in jail or in asylums were not eligible for outdoor relief.1 These restrictions were removed under the 1923 Local Government (Temporary Provisions) Act, and entitlement to home assistance was notionally based on need, regardless
specialisation of countries or the macro-economic policy, but also the interactions between various rules and institutions. Such complexity prompted the development of various typologies (e.g. varieties of capitalism, welfare state regimes) to facilitate comparative analysis of social models. To allow for comparative analysis of job quality, we position jobs in the wider societal system (including the legal framework, welfare policy and structural features of the labour market), yet draw a line between the context in which a job is performed and the attributes of that job
poor were neglected’. John Good – the Cork Labourite who resisted the vice-guardians’ workhouse regime during the early 1920s – stated that the decreases were brought about by the wish to justify the Free State’s administrative reforms. He claimed that a ‘system of economy’ was adopted to demonstrate that the previous poor law was ‘extravagant’, but he believed the ‘economies practised’ in the early 1920s were now ‘coming home to roost’.148 Harsh attitudes towards the poor were far from dominant in Irish society and local authority welfare policies which denigrated
begin by briefly considering seven areas framing and justifying empirically the context of the theoretical framework of multiple diversities, namely: (a) the distribution of powers within the decentralized structure of the Spanish State; (b) welfare policies; (c) immigrant associations; (d) citizenship policy focus; (e) Muslim immigrant communities; (f) gender policies related to immigration; and (g) identity. This overview of what we call ‘the governance of immigration in Spain’ will allow us to introduce this practical approach before going into the broad
various strategies for self-fashioning across the boundaries of public and private, individual and collective, national and imperial, indigenous and colonial domains. The essays in Part I, ‘Colonial culture: institutions and practices’, focus on colonial administrative structures and their intersection with the emergence of settler civil society in terms of welfare policy, regional colonial administration, the development of labour unions and their relationship with and part in the creation of foundational national myths
Conclusions What conclusions then can be drawn about the development of British welfare policy from this study of service families in general and prisoner of war families in particular during the Second World War? Firstly, it is clear that government agencies largely ignored the experiences of the First World War in relation to both service allowances and prisoner of war matters. During this war many service families had suffered financial hardship because of delays in payment of both Family and Dependants’ Allowances. Despite the fact that SSAFA drew this to
to pass judgment. This rhetoric of empowerment resonated with the crowds, as thousands of individuals repeated her words in unison. I still remember the strong emotions that overcame me as I was watching this live on TV, as well as my attempt to resist those emotions as somehow shameful. I found myself moved by her words against my will. This desire to undo learned helplessness meant that social welfare policies, including support for the unemployed, were being drafted anew. Whereas previously everybody had been entitled to state support, in post-1991 Latvia the
worthy case for considering the rise of global capitalism. 9 However, the welfare policies developed in such a context remain little studied. Whereas in Castile, during the sixteenth century, charitable institutions remained mainly financed by alms and loans, in 1575 the higher royal authority in Peru, the viceroy Francisco de Toledo (1569–81), established a new tax to support the Hospital de Naturales of Potosí, called the medio peso del hospital. 10 Thanks to an increasing number of studies, we
Chapter 2 shows ethnographically how the politics of waiting played out in Latvia after the 2008 economic crisis. From the vantage point of the Riga unemployment office, it examines how the two temporalities - of activation and waiting – were both produced by the austerity state. The ethnographic analysis demonstrates how the disciplinary austerity state stigmatised lack of activity as a Soviet remnant but at the same time imposed various kinds of waiting on the social groups that were most affected by the crisis and the austerity. As the welfare policies were being reconfigured as psychological activation and workfare programmes, many of the most vulnerable individuals in society were kept in a limbo.