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American segregationists and international racism after civil rights
Zoe Hyman

illegal state of Rhodesia. 2 Roof was born in 1994 – the year majority rule finally came to South Africa and fourteen years after minority white rule ended in Rhodesia. That a 21-year-old with no personal memory of, or connection to, the era of apartheid would adorn his clothes with flags of these white supremacist states tells us much about the racial right’s long-standing identification with, and nostalgia for, apartheid-era southern Africa. Furthermore, it illustrates the importance of understanding historical and contemporary white supremacy as a transnational

in Global white nationalism
Amanda Thomas

( 2019 ) and Moana Jackson ( 2019 ) draw a direct line from the colonization of Aotearoa to the massacre, pointing to the central logic of white supremacy. As Sahar Ghumkhor ( 2019 ) wrote in the days after: This oscillation of ‘they’ (the barbarian) and ‘us’ (the fully civilised human) reveals the precarious nature of a Muslim's life and its place in the nation. Colonial governance has historically relied on exactly the same distinction of human/non-human, us/them in order to legitimise its mission

in Political ecologies of the far right
Critical reflections for the field
Kurt Sengul

understand race as “a technology for the management of human difference, the main goal of which is the production, reproduction, and maintenance of white supremacy” ( 2020 : 5). Moreover, that race is, “above all else, a project of colonial distinction and a system for legitimation to justify oppressive and discriminatory practices” ( Lentin 2020 : 7). This colonial

in The ethics of researching the far right
Anna A. Meier

to protect whites’ sociopolitical status, even when particular national security actors do not intend to do this (e.g. Cainkar and Selod 2018 ; Kundnani 2014 ). I focus here on these actors: the bureaucrats, staffers, and other elites tasked with making and enforcing policy to counter violent white supremacy. Studying such actors, while important, raises questions of researcher

in The ethics of researching the far right
Laura Pulido

). Currently, the white nation fears it is being decentred and white innocence is being called into question. White innocence is the belief that whites are not responsible for the US's history of racial violence and dehumanization, including settler colonization, slavery and racial discrimination (Inwood, 2018 ). This obviously requires denying the structural nature of US racism and the privileged status of whiteness. Though white supremacy and its denial have varied over the centuries, overt racism resurfaced with the election of Barack Obama (2008) and Donald Trump's 2015

in Political ecologies of the far right
Lynching and racial killing in South Africa and the American South
Author:

This book deals with the inherent violence of race relations in two important countries that remain iconic expressions of white supremacy in the twentieth century. It does not just reconstruct the era of violence, but contrasts the lynch culture of the American South to the bureaucratic culture of violence in South Africa. By contrasting mobs of rope-wielding white Southerners to the gun-toting policemen and administrators who formally defended white supremacy in South Africa, the book employs racial killing as an optic for examining the distinctive logic of the racial state in the two contexts. Combining the historian's eye for detail with the sociologist's search for overarching claims, it explores the systemic connections amongst three substantive areas to explain why contrasting traditions of racial violence took such firm root in the American South and South Africa.

Author:

With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.

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Resisting racism in times of national security
Editor:

In times of national security, scholars and activists who hail from the communities under suspicion attempt to draw readers and listeners to the complexity of the world we inhabit. For those who campaigned against the SUS law in the 1980s, when young Black men were being routinely stopped in the streets, the wave of counter-terrorism legislation and policy that exists today will be very familiar. Similarly, recent discussions about the impact of drill music in the culture of young Black men has drawn questions around the ways in which they should be securitised, with senior police calling for the use of terrorism legislation against them. In this environment, when those who study and have lived alongside the communities who are at the scrutiny of the state raise questions about the government, military and police policy, they are often shut down as terrorist-sympathisers, or apologists for gang culture. In such environments, there is an expectation on scholars and activists to condemn what society at large fears. This volume is about how that expectation has emerged alongside the normalisation of racism, and how these writers choose to subvert the expectations raised on them, as part of their commitment to anti-racism.

Open Access (free)
Racial disavowals – historicising whiteness in Central and Eastern Europe
James Mark
,
Anikó Imre
,
Bogdan C. Iacob
, and
Catherine Baker

perspectives on global white nationalism, the literature on which still remains predominantly Anglophone. 41 The full contexts of globalised networks of white supremacy extend beyond the West, towards what Andrzej Nowak and Marta Grzechnik term the ‘racism of the semi-periphery’  42 – that is, racisms that manifest in regions where claims to whiteness are fragile – and act as intermediate racialised zones between the white core and postcolonial spaces

in Off white
Abstract only
‘You know nothing, Jon Snow’
Asim Qureshi

refuse to condemn of condemnation, presenting yourself outside of the good ­citizen/bad citizen binary can result in a great deal of harm. THE UBIQUITY OF WHITE SUPREMACY We breathed in White lore because it was like air, being both invisible and abundant. Nadya’s words capture a sentiment that is expressed regularly throughout the chapters in this volume, that there is a ubiquity to White power that provides the central organising framework to which communities of colour respond. There is much contestation over what ‘White’ means, with Tarek choosing to write in

in I Refuse to Condemn