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Matt Perry

2 Feminism and the women’s movement According to Wilkinson, two movements – the labour movement and the women’s movement – moulded her politics.1 During her lifetime, the women’s movement underwent significant metamorphoses as did her attitude to it. She belonged to the generation that participated in the suffrage movement’s most intense phase and had the dual status of participant in and heir to the suffrage battle. She defined the women’s movement broadly as ‘that surging rebellion of lots of ordinary women against the crushing conventions that had grown

in ‘Red Ellen’ Wilkinson
Laura Schwartz

tended to represent its support for female emancipation as disconnected from the organised women’s movement. 1 In fact, the women’s rights and Freethought movements shared an intellectual and political inheritance, and Freethought and wider feminist networks frequently overlapped. Freethinking individuals were central to promoting the first feminist organisations in the middle decades of the century, and female Secularists continued to actively

in Infidel feminism
Maureen Wright

5 The ‘great mole’ of the women’s movement: 1883–901 An instrument of progress Elizabeth rejoiced that the bells of the New Year of 1883 had rung in a new era of justice for her sex. ‘The legal position of every wife in England’, she wrote, ‘had change[d] from that of her husband’s chattel to that of a responsible human being.’2 She did not, however, rest on the laurels of the MWPC’s success. Rather, buoyed by its achievements, she turned her attention to the persistence of the sexual double standard in matters of divorce and the guardianship of children. While

in Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy and the Victorian Feminist Movement
Megan Smitley

4 The women’s movement and female temperance reform Female temperance reform in Scotland is most strongly differentiated from sister movements in the rest of the United Kingdom by its role in the women’s suffrage campaign. In contrast to women’s temperance societies in England and Wales, the BWTASCU officially supported women’s parliamentary enfranchisement, and the BWTASCU prosecuted its own constitutional-style campaign for women’s right to vote.1 The ­BWTASCU’s distinctive position in British suffragism can be attributed to two main factors; temperance reform

in The feminine public sphere
The Ecuadorian experience
Silvia Vega Ugalde

5 The role of the women’s movement in institutionalizing a gender focus in public policy: the Ecuadorian experience silvia vega ugalde 1 Introduction The institutionalization of a gender focus in state policy is a long, complex process. It presupposes intervention in a variety of areas and further presupposes the active presence in society of actors who campaign, promote and lobby in order that the gender dimension becomes visible in political and social relations. In this chapter I present the experience of the Coordinadora Politica de Mujeres Ecuatorianas

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Jurgette Honculada and Rosalinda Pineda Ofreneo

GENDER MAINSTREAMING IN THE PHILIPPINES 131 6 The National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women, the women’s movement and gender mainstreaming in the Philippines1 jurgette honculada 2 and rosalinda pineda ofreneo 3 Introduction The Philippine experience shows that a vibrant women’s movement plays a critical role vis-à-vis a national women’s machinery — lobbying for its creation, providing leadership and direction, pioneering new initiatives such as gender training that are key components of gender mainstreaming, and serving as a gadfly when government fails

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Domesticity and the women’s movement in England, 1928–64

This book explores the contribution that five conservative, voluntary and popular women’s organisations made to women’s lives and to the campaign for women’s rights throughout the period 1928 to 1964. The five groups included in this study are: the Mothers’ Union, the Catholic Women’s League, the National Council of Women, the National Federation of Women’s Institutes and the National Union of Townswomen’s Guilds. The book challenges existing histories of the women’s movement that suggest the movement went into decline during the inter-war period only to be revived by the emergence of the Women’s Liberation Movement in the late 1960s. It is argued that the term women’s movement must be revised to allow a broader understanding of female agency encompassing feminist, political, religious and conservative women’s groups who campaigned to improve the status of women throughout the twentieth century.

This book provides an analysis of the way in which these five voluntary women’s organisations adopted the concept of democratic citizenship, with its rights and duties, to legitimate their demands for reform. Their involvement in a number of campaigns relating to social, welfare and economic rights is explored and assessed. The book provides a radical re-assessment of this period of women’s history and in doing so makes a significant contribution to on-going debates about the shape and the impact of the women’s movement in twentieth century Britain. The book is essential reading for those interested in modern British history and the history of the women’s movement.

Women’s work in the Civil Service and the London County Council, 1900–55
Author: Helen Glew

Collectively, the Civil Service and the London County Council (LCC) employed tens of thousands of women in Britain in the early twentieth century. As public employers, these institutions remained influential for each other and for private employers more widely as a benchmark for the conditions of women’s white-collar work. This book examines three key aspects of women’s public service employment: inequality of pay, the marriage bar and inequality of opportunity. In so doing, it delineates the levels of regulation and rhetoric surrounding women’s employment and the extent to which notions about femininity and womanhood shaped employment policies and, ultimately, women’s experiences in the workplace. Drawing on a wide range of archival sources, including policy documents, trade union records, women’s movement campaign literature and employees’ personal testimony, this is the first book-length study of women’s public service employment in the first half of the twentieth century. It is also a new lens through which to examine the women’s movement in this period and a contribution to the debate about the effect of the First World War on women’s employment. Scholars and students with interests in gender, British social and cultural history and labour history will find this an invaluable text.

Author: Zoë Thomas

Women Art Workers constitutes the first comprehensive history of the network of women who worked at the heart of the English Arts and Crafts movement from the 1870s to the 1930s. Challenging the long-standing assumption that the Arts and Crafts simply revolved around celebrated male designers like William Morris, this book instead offers a new social and cultural account of the movement, which simultaneously reveals the breadth of the imprint of women art workers upon the making of modern society. Thomas provides unprecedented insight into how women – working in fields such as woodwork, textiles, sculpture, painting, and metalwork – navigated new authoritative roles as ‘art workers’ by asserting expertise across a range of interconnected cultures so often considered in isolation: from the artistic to the professional, intellectual, entrepreneurial, and domestic. Through examination of newly discovered institutional archives and private papers, and a wide range of unstudied advertisements, letters, manuals, photographs, and calling cards, Women Art Workers elucidates the critical importance of the spaces around which women conceptualised alternative creative and professional lifestyles: guild halls, exhibitions, homes, studios, workshops, and the cityscape. Shattering the traditional periodisation of the movement as ‘Victorian’, this research reveals that the early twentieth century was a critical juncture at which women art workers became ever more confident in promoting their own vision of the Arts and Crafts. Shaped by their precarious gendered positions, they opened up the movement to a wider range of social backgrounds and interests, and redirected the movement’s radical potential into contemporary women-centred causes.

Abstract only
Caitríona Beaumont

political parties and working-class women’s organisations such as the Women’s C ­ o-operative Guild (WCG), all of whom engaged in political campaigns to extend female equality.5 In the last two decades the scope of this scholarship has expanded to include voluntary women’s organisations, religious groups, service clubs and professional societies seeking to bring women together over a wide variety of issues.6 Histories of the women’s movement have however tended to focus predominantly on the trials and tribulations of suffrage and post-suffrage feminist societies. This has

in Housewives and citizens