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Creative resistance to racial capitalism within and beyond the workplace
Agnieszka Coutinho
Jay Gearing
, and
Ben Rogaly

We come together to write this chapter as contributors to the making of the film Workers . The film is based on the experience of people who worked in food factories and warehouses in and around the English city of Peterborough across a fifty-year period from the 1970s to the 2010s. The recollections of the film's narrators reveal continuities in the form of harsh supervision regimes alongside changes such as the greater use of targets and sanctions to monitor, control and speed up work, as well as the digital policing of toilet breaks

in Creativity and resistance in a hostile world
Louise Beaumais

crucial to developing EBH. The Centre for Humdata is at the forefront of this trend. It makes data more accessible through open platforms, such as the Humanitarian Data Exchange (HDX). It also provides data training to humanitarian workers and develops predictive data analytics. Second, the multiplication of quantitative data sources also plays a huge role. For centuries, the data used for humanitarian actions were mainly first-hand data, that is, data collected by the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Toward rightful resistance
Wing-Chung Ho

4 Pneumoconiosis-afflicted workers: toward rightful resistance If cadmium-poisoned workers are largely barred from the protection of the legal framework due to the contestability of the disease, pneumoconiosis-stricken workers in the coastal region would, relatively speaking, feel less estranged in the current OHS system. This is because, unlike cadmium poisoning, pneumoconiosis is one of the world’s oldest occupational diseases, hence its diagnosis, classification of severity, and how different categories of severity correspond to the ability to work is well

in Occupational health and social estrangement in China
Philip Gillett

corner shop in a slum district should be categorised as upper working class or lower middle class are matters of judgement rather than fact. Nor does income distinguish between the lifestyles of the genteel poor and affluent workers. A census might be expected to yield definitive conclusions, but using the 1951 census, the proportion of working-class people in Britain has been estimated variously at 64, 72 and 86.9 per cent. 1 The grail of a

in The British working class in postwar film
The case of Lucas Aerospace
Keith Mc Loughlin

-called “ordinary people”’ where the constant threat of redundancy’ was combined with the ‘momentum of the military machine carrying with it the threat of extermination’. But there was an alternative. The authors brought attention to a workers’ organisation that provided answers to both the Cold War arms race and the lengthening British dole queues. In their book The Lucas Plan: A New Trade Unionism in the Making? , Wainwright and Elliott depicted the experiences of the workers at Lucas Aerospace, who since the late 1960s had advocated for ‘socially useful production’, rather

in The British left and the defence economy
Wing-Chung Ho

2 Sick workers as homines sacri Chapter One conceptualizes the post-illness experience of sick Chinese workers in terms of the dual concepts of “stranger” and homo sacer. While the former refers to the primordial mode of existence of the sick worker in everyday life, the latter refers to the constituted mode of existence the sick worker exhibits vis-à-vis the constituted power. However, the previous chapter only mentions in passing that homo sacer is created by the mechanism of legality in terms of “inclusive exclusion.” This means that on the surface the

in Occupational health and social estrangement in China
New histories of race and class in South Africa
Danelle van Zyl-Hermann

this scholarship – and hence the insights it has been able to offer – has been restricted to South Africa's initial industrialisation in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The neglect of white workers as a historical subject in the second half of the twentieth century reflects popular perceptions and scholarly understandings of the effects of National Party (NP) rule on the material position of whites. The consensus has been that the deepening of racial discrimination after 1948 facilitated rapid upward mobility and the disappearance of white workers as

in History beyond apartheid
The perfect storm
Gordon Gillespie

2 The Ulster Workers’ Council strike: the perfect storm Gordon Gillespie From the outbreak of the Troubles in 1968 up to 1974 Unionists believed that they had suffered a series of political defeats which included the abolition of the B Specials and the failure of security forces to defeat the Irish Republican Army (IRA), culminating in the suspension (effectively the abolition) of the Northern Ireland Parliament in March 1972. British government plans for a new administration for Northern Ireland suggested the inclusion of individuals like Gerry Fitt and John

in Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers’ Council strike and the struggle for democracy in Northern Ireland
continuity, innovation and renewal
Paul Kennedy

5 The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party: continuity, innovation and renewal Paul Kennedy The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español – PSOE) was founded in Madrid in 1879. It was the largest party on the left during the Second Republic (1931–36), and provided the Republic with two prime ministers during the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Largo Caballero (1936–37) and Juan Negrín (1937–39). Brutally repressed by the Franco regime (1939–75), the PSOE almost disappeared as a significant political force within Spain. Nevertheless, under the

in In search of social democracy
Małgorzata Jakimów

spatial strategies of migrant workers’ struggle for urban citizenship (see Swider, 2015 ; Kochan, 2019 ; Qian and Zhu, 2014 ; Qian and He, 2012 ; Ren, 2012 ), these observations have yet to transpire in political science's discussions of migrant workers’ activism, which are dominated by the focus on labour and/or resistance to the state. This is important because the claim areas of civic organising and labour do not really address migrant workers’ marginalisation within the cities and their figurative and legal exclusion from urban citizenship. Neither labour nor

in China’s citizenship challenge