Most Cypriots and British today do not know that Cypriots even served in the Great War. This book contributes to the growing literature on the role of the British non-settler empire in the Great War by exploring the service of the Cypriot Mule Corps on the Salonica Front, and after the war in Constantinople. This book speaks to a number of interlocking historiographies, contributing to various debates especially around enlistment/volunteerism, imperial loyalty and veterans' issues. At the most basic level, it reconstructs the story of Cypriot Mule Corps' contribution, of transporting wounded men and supplies to the front, across steep mountains, with dangerous ravines and in extreme climates. The book argues that Cypriot mules and mule drivers played a pivotal role in British logistics in Salonica and Constantinople, especially the former. It explores the impact of the war on Cypriot socio-economic conditions, particularly of so many men serving abroad on the local economy and society. The issues that arose for the British in relation to the contracts they offered the Cypriots, contracts offered to the muleteers, and problems of implementing the promise of an allotment scheme are also discussed. Behavioural problems one finds with military corps, such as desertion and crime, were not prevalent in the Cypriot Mule Corps. The book also explores the impact of death and incapacity on veterans and dependants, looking at issues that veterans faced after returning and resettling into Cypriot life.
paint something for a proposed, but never built, ‘Hall of
Remembrance’. The painting shows muledrawn stretchers carrying
woundedmen to a dressing station, an old Eastern Orthodox Church, while
animals and humans watch the lifesaving efforts of the surgeons. The
image recalls the depictions of the birth of Jesus Christ. For Spencer
the woundedmen on the stretchers represented a wounded Christ on the
supervising the casualty evacuation process, which involved the
removal of nine woundedmen to the nearby Jervis Street
Hospital. 12 Joseph Plunkett, signatory of the 1916
Proclamation, who was in the GPO while the casualty clearing was
organised, instructed that Mahony be allowed to leave with
the casualties ‘because he had done such good work for the
he was put already held another officer who was delirious, and thinking Herbé the enemy, punched and kicked him in an effort to kill him. The nurse rescued Herbé by knocking the man to the floor and the poor man died a few minutes later.
Several hours after he arrived at the field hospital, the French muleteers transferred about 200 woundedmen including Herbé into cacolets and took them to the divisional hospital. But in the divisional hospital there were so few doctors with so many patients that they also had to ignore those they
mobility’ transporting ‘immobilized heroes’. 16 And whether driving ‘like bats out of hell’ when their ambulances were empty, or compelled to drive slowly and with precision when transporting wounded soldiers, they discovered in themselves both a propensity and a flair for a job that had previously been undertaken by working-class, male servants. 17 Certainly, this ‘sporty breed of action women’ required muscular strength to hand-crank motor engines and to lift stretchers carrying woundedmen into their ambulances and onto hospital trains. 18 They also needed
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
The French units and the convoy at St Omer 1917–18
them. They evacuated hospitals, transported
patients to hospitals further away from the ﬁghting, and endured incessant
night raids. The women longed for a rainy night which might prevent the raids
and allow them to have a good night’s sleep. One of the unit’s drivers, Henrietta Fraser, was driving an ambulance when a torpedo hit in front of the car,
killing the orderly beside her and severely wounding her. It is reported she
crawled over 200 yards to a hospital to bring help to the woundedmen in the
car and refused to have her own injuries attended to until the men
inspection was literally full,’ he wrote, and the air was laden with the characteristic thick, heavy, stinking fetor produced by the fevered breathing of several hundred men combined with the sweat of the stretcher-bearers. Pools of blood were visible wherever there was an empty space and the men were so closely packed together on their stretchers that they smeared each other with their blood. A blood-curdling scream now and again broke the murmur of groans, sighs, and death rattles. Surgeons in their rolled-up shirtsleeves knelt beside woundedmen, and despite the
’ orders was not unreasonable given that the biggest shortcoming of the old nurses was their failure to implement doctors’ orders. However, it was a far cry from the way Pirogov and the French and Piedmontese army doctors conceptualized nurses. For them practical considerations transcended gendered roles. It was not a case of imposing an ideology of separate spheres but one of who was able to do the job best: men who had the physical strength and training to work on the battlefield and to turn and lift woundedmen, and women who were excellent and experienced hospital
The medical treatment of Parliament’s infantry commander following the battle of Naseby
, Thomason E289(10), Mercurius Civicus, p. 970; BL, Thomason E290(5), The
Scotish Dove, no. 88, 20–27 June (London, 1645), p. 696.
21 BL, Thomason E290(16), The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer, p. 847; Wing /
V304, J. Vicars, England’s Worthies (London, 1647), p. 57.
22 CJ, IV, p. 180.
23 LJ, VII, p. 441.
24 Whitelocke, Memorials, I, p. 452; CJ, IV, p. 180.
25 Gruber von Arni, Justice to the Maimed Soldier, p. 179.
26 TNA, SP 28/173/I, fo. 22a, money paid for the woundedmen at Northampton
from 14 June 1645; TNA, SP 28/31, fo. 504, payment to Dr John