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Aspects of the ‘triangular’ relations between Europeans, Muslims and Jews

2 European realities: aspects of the ‘triangular’ relations between Europeans, Muslims and Jews Who are the Muslims in Europe? Who are the migrants in the various European countries? For example, 10 per cent of the 16.3 million Dutch population are immigrants; 886,000 of them, 5.5 per cent, are Muslims, mainly Moroccans and Turks; 60 per cent are under 35, compared to 40 per cent in the general Dutch population. Many of the allochtonen (immigrants) live in ‘the Muslim ghettos’ that nowadays surround the Dutch urban centres. So much of what tolerant Dutch society

in Haunted presents
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Europeans, Muslim Immigrants and the onus of European–Jewish Histories

Relations between Europe and its Muslim minorities constitute an extensive focus for discussion both within and beyond the Continent. This book reports on the years mainly between 2005 and 2015 and focuses on the exploitation of recent European history when describing relations and the prospects for the nominally 'Christian' majority and Muslim minority. The discourse often references the Jews of Europe as a guiding precedent. The manifold references to the annals of the Jews during the 1930s, the Second World War and the Holocaust, used by both the Muslim minorities and the European 'white' (sic) majority presents an astonishing and instructive perspective. When researching Europe and its Muslim minorities, one is astonished by the alleged discrimination that the topic produces, in particular the expressions embodied in Islamophobia, Europhobia and anti-Semitism. The book focuses on the exemplary European realities surrounding the 'triangular' interactions and relations between the Europeans, Muslims and Jews. Pork soup, also known as 'identity soup', has been used as a protest in France and Belgium against multicultural life in Europe and against the Muslim migrants who allegedly enjoyed government benefits. If the majority on all sides of the triangle were to unite and marginalize the extreme points of the triangle, not by force but by goodwill, reason and patience, then in time the triangle would slowly but surely resolve itself into a circle. The Jews, Christians, Muslims and non-believers of Europe have before them a challenge.

Eurimages and the Funding of Dystopia

Since its inception by the Council of Europe in 1989, Eurimages has been to the fore in financing European co-productions with the aim of fostering integration and cooperation in artistic and industry circles and has helped finance over 1,600 feature films, animations and documentaries. Taking as its thesis the idea that the CoE seeks to perpetuate Europes utopian ideals, despite the dystopian realities that frequently undermine both the EU and the continent at large, this article analyses select Eurimages-funded dystopian films from industrial, aesthetic and socio-cultural standpoints with a view toward decoding institutionally embedded critiques of the European project.

Film Studies

Introduction Citing the celebrated opening sentence of the Communist Manifesto may seem an odd way to begin these modest reflections on the challenges the relief world is confronting, and the graver ones it is likely to confront over the course of the next decade. But just as the spectre of communism was haunting Europe in 1848, a spectre haunts the humanitarian international in 2018 – the spectre of illegitimacy. A disclaimer is immediately necessary: if you believe that the importance of the changes that are taxing the established global order

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

fact that the overwhelming percentage of victims in World War I were soldiers, compared with contemporary armed conflicts, where the proportion is reversed, attesting to the excessive cruelty of these new wars. We are obviously not disputing the reality or horror of civilian-district bombings in Syria, which are only too real and sickening. What we are questioning is the relevance of the campaigns and public discourse aimed at rehabilitating IHL, supposedly better applied in the past, which – given how armed conflict has changed – has for some become an important

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction

distortions. And as liberal hopes for a pacific and technocratic utopia have taken leave of empirical reality, the assumption of progress has been sustained primarily through myth-making and cognitive gymnastics. Fake news is not the antithesis of liberal truth but its progeny. Nonetheless, the notion of liberal order is useful to the extent that it signals the role of liberal ideas and politics in the consolidation of Western hegemony and, more specifically, the expansion of American power. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms, set out in 1941

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

increasingly encounter media content that blurs the line between reality and fiction. This includes everything from rumours and exaggerations on social media, through to partisan journalism, satire and completely invented stories that are designed to look like real news articles. Although this media content varies enormously, it is often grouped together under nebulous and all-encompassing terms such as ‘fake news’, ‘disinformation’ or ‘post-truth’ media. Scholars have started to pay serious attention to the production and impact of all these forms of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

Introduction The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by liberal world order, the post-1945 successor to the imperial world of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the global political and economic system the European empires created. Humanitarian space, as we have come to know it in the late twentieth century, is liberal space, even if many of those engaged in humanitarian action would rather not see themselves as liberals. To the extent that there is something constitutively liberal about

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

context facilitated a more useful and honest ‘portrayal of reality’ than might otherwise have been the case. 2 Establishing Ground Rules That level of open engagement, however, must be carefully cultivated. At the risk of stating the obvious, it is important to set the right tone for the discussions. Willingness to engage and respect for sharing information can be facilitated by carefully choosing speakers and commentators to stimulate the debate. In our case, the decision to pair practitioners with academic contributors in each of the thematic panels was an attempt to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

disconnections. The overlap here with neoliberalism’s necessarily ignorant subject is returned to below. Importantly, the pure factuality of a post-humanist existence casts doubts on the distinction between a lived reality and a wider world, a distinction that is central to knowledge and the narrative of history. Without this separation there is no space, as it were, for a political commons of contrasting life-chances, contestation and critique that is essential if we are to successfully share the world with Others. In its absence, as Bruno Latour

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs