A Focus on Community Engagement
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye

the local coffee shops ( attaya base ) in Bamoi – ‘Ebola Phase II: it didn’t work’ – connected the riots with broader suspicions surrounding the outbreak and authorities’ complicity. The new case had been another opportunity to ‘eat Ebola money’. The riots were seen as a sign that people would now ‘stand up for their rights’ and put an end to big people’s profiteering. The Chief was aware of the anger directed at him and other

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Seditious memories after the British civil wars
Author: Edward Legon

Parliamentarians continued to identify with the decisions to oppose and resist Crown and established church after the Restoration. By expressing these views between 1660 and 1688, these men and women were vulnerable to charges of sedition or treason. This book examines these ‘seditious memories’ and asks why people risked themselves by expressing them in public. It does so without dismissing such views as evidence of discontent or radicalism, showing instead how they countered experiences of defeat. As well as in speech and writing, these views are shown to have manifested themselves as misbehavior during official commemoration of the civil wars and Restoration. It also considers how such views were passed on from the generation of men and women who experienced civil war and revolution to their children and grandchildren.

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Andrew McRae and John West

Part V: 1685 Introduction The accession of James II was an event that many had feared for a long time, and that some had actively sought to prevent. James had converted to Catholicism in the early 1670s. As it became clear over the course of that decade that Charles was not going to father a legitimate heir, the prospect of a Catholic succession began to look ever more likely. For a Protestant nation, that was a source of extreme anxiety. The last Catholic to sit on the English throne had been Mary I, and during her reign hundreds of Protestants had been

in Literature of the Stuart successions
Revolution and party
Andrew Mansfield

. Following the Restoration, the issues of the Civil War that had led to much bloodshed and regicide still cast a shadow. This chapter will discuss the potential for absolute sovereignty after the Restoration, assessing the political and ideological consequences of Charles II and James II’s reigns. Charles’s reign empowered his brother James II to continue upon a course of absolute royal prerogative that instigated a lasting opposition against the crown’s behaviour. The endeavour cost James II his throne, as his subjects rebelled during the Dutch-led invasion of Britain

in Ideas of monarchical reform
Ritual in loyal addressing
Edward Vallance

much more active role in promoting addresses under James II than during Charles’ reign.) 93 Burlington reportedly consented to sign whatever address the gentlemen of Yorkshire should agree to but ultimately never subscribed as a result of decisions taken at a dinner on 25 July attended by the high sheriff of the county, Reresby and a number of the Marquis of Halifax’s friends (whom Reresby had gathered there): as soon as dinner was done I moved for a ressolution which way, and to whom to be presented to

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727
Subscriptional culture and memory in the 1680s
Edward Vallance

. As Bower’s letter also indicates, though, the memory of addressing could serve other purposes. In Bower’s case, it provided a means of determining contemporary political and religious loyalties. The 1680s represent the most sustained and intense period of petitioning and addressing activity in early modern England: over a thousand loyal addresses were presented over the course of this decade to Charles II and James II. 6 This activity, publicised through the pages of the London Gazette and other newsbooks, as well as

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727
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The later Stuart church in context
Grant Tapsell

failed in turbulent political circumstances in 1667–73, 1679–81 and 1689. 13 The last of these failures was part of a broader crisis over the post-revolutionary identity of the church, when a further ‘nonjuring’ schism saw 400 clerics refuse to accept that their old oaths of allegiance to James II could be superseded by new and exclusive ones to William and Mary, and were in consequence legally deprived of their livings. 14

in The later Stuart Church, 1660–1714
Daniel Szechi

The Jacobite ‘problem’ in British history stemmed from one event: the birth of a male heir to James II and VII and Queen Mary of Modena on 10 June 1688. One of the methods historians use to conceptualise which causes of transformative events in history were the most important is by reflecting on which causes were ‘necessary’ to make an event happen, and which were ‘sufficient’ to make it happen. The birth of a Prince of Wales was a sufficient cause. 1 This was because it completely changed the likely political future of the British Isles. Until 10 June

in The Jacobites (second edition)
Clare Jackson

threatened to outnumber members of the established church. All three kingdoms had, meanwhile, suffered the trauma of the proselytising ambitions of the last Catholic monarch, James VII and II. By 1711, therefore, Travers’s vision of one Episcopal Church serving three kingdoms was distinctly precarious. Presented broadly chronologically, this chapter examines the fluctuating fortunes of the later Stuart churches in Scotland and

in The later Stuart Church, 1660–1714
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Andrew McRae and John West

Part VI: 1688–89 Introduction In autumn 1688 William of Orange, the Dutch stadholder (a title bestowed on the rulers of the Dutch Republic), issued a declaration stating his reasons for leading a fleet from the Netherlands to England. William was responding to an invitation from several prominent English churchmen and politicians who saw William’s intervention as the only way to prevent James II from drifting further into tyrannical rule. James’s promise to protect the Church of England (see V.2 above) had been compromised in many people’s eyes by his promotion

in Literature of the Stuart successions