This book considers the policy of the George W. Bush administration towards issues such as abortion, sex education, obscenity and same-sex marriage. It suggests that, although accounts have often emphasised the ties between George W. Bush and the Christian right, the administration's strategy was, at least until early 2005, largely directed towards the courting of middle-ground opinion. The study offers a detailed and comprehensive survey of policy making; assesses the political significance of moral concerns; evaluates the role of the Christian Right; and throws new light on George W. Bush's years in office and the character of his thinking.

TBA_C01.qxd 08/02/2007 11:19 AM Page 13 1 The rise of the moral agenda and American public opinion Moral and cultural concerns became frontline political issues from the late 1960s onwards.1 In the years that followed President Richard Nixon’s inauguration in January 1969, tensions around questions such as abortion, single parenthood, the role of women and the legitimacy of same-sex relations played an increasingly important and visible role in debates about public policy, the shaping of party loyalties, the appointment of judges and the electoral process. The

in The Bush administration, sex and the moral agenda
What rough beast?
Series: Irish Society

This book explores the issue of a collective representation of Ireland after the sudden death of the 'Celtic Tiger' and introduces the aesthetic idea that runs throughout. The focus is on the idea articulated by W. B. Yeats in his famous poem 'The Second Coming'. The book also explores the symbolic order and imaginative structure, the meanings and values associated with house and home, the haunted houses of Ireland's 'ghost estates' and the fiscal and moral foundations of the collective household. It examines the sophisticated financial instruments derived from mortgage-backed securities that were a lynchpin of global financialization and the epicentre of the crash, the question of the fiscal and moral foundations of the collective household of Europe. A story about fundamental values and principles of fairness and justice is discussed, in particular, the contemporary conflict that reiterates the ancient Irish mythic story of the Tain. The book suggests correspondences between Plato's Republic and the Irish republic in the deformations and devolution of democracy into tyranny. It traces a red thread from the predicament of the ancient Athenians to contemporary Ireland in terms of the need to govern pleonexia, appetites without limits. The political and economic policies and practices of Irish development, the designation of Ireland's 'tax free zones', are also discussed. Finally, the ideal type of person who has been emerging under the auspices of the neoliberal revolution is imagined.

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3 Moral dilemmas In Part I of this book, I argued that paternalism is inadequate as a general account of parental power. And as both the caretaker thesis and the liberation thesis equate parental power with paternalism, their adequacy as theories of parental power is questionable for that reason. However, of greater significance for our present purposes is the fact that, according to each thesis, when we evaluate parental power, we will not be faced with irresolvable moral conflicts. There are two aspects to this argument, and they are the focus of this chapter

in Evaluating parental power
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Divorce, birth control and abortion

3 Moral dilemmas: divorce, birth control and abortion S ignificant changes in public attitudes towards divorce, birth control and abortion occurred during the inter-war period. Legislation was introduced which extended the grounds for divorce and for the first time information on birth control was made available to married mothers at local authority clinics, albeit on strict medical grounds. Concerns about the rise in the maternal mortality rate highlighted the prevalence, as well as the dangers, of illegal abortion. This led to a number of women’s groups

in Housewives and citizens
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3 On moral nose Jonathan Glover John Harris on olfactory moral philosophy In several of his writings, including his On Cloning, John Harris argues against basing policies on what George Orwell called ‘moral nose’. He says that Orwell used this phrase ‘as if one could simply sniff a situation and detect wickedness’.1 He gives examples of this approach in debate on bioethical issues. One is Mary Warnock’s claim that the existence of morality requires ‘some barriers which should not be passed’ and her thought that often these barriers are marked by ‘a sense of

in From reason to practice in bioethics
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Social liberalism and traditionalism

6 A new moral agenda? Social liberalism and traditionalism Just as I felt that the party was beginning to relax over the European issue it decided to have an explosive internal row about something else. ( John Redwood MP, 2004: 143) Introduction A widely accepted and often repeated belief amongst both Conservatives and many of their critics, is that on the issue of the economy the Conservatives have been victorious in the ‘battle of ideas’. The case for the free market over statist socialist planning was comprehensively demonstrated, they argue, by the failure

in Reconstructing conservatism?

 3 0 2 Religious and moral values The image of Communism in Catholic doctrine In a country where the word ‘cristiano’ (Christian) has often been used as a synonym for ‘human being’ as opposed to ‘bestia’ (animal), Catholicism’s depiction of the Communists as ‘atei’ and ‘senza Dio’ (atheists and godless) helped to sharpen the contrast between ideological positions that extended beyond the sphere of formal politics. However, both historians and the contemporary observers of the battle between Catholicism and Communism have too often simply stated that Catholic

in Communism and anti-Communism in early Cold War Italy
Women and youth across a century of censure

11 Folk devils and moral panics: women and youth across a century of censure F irst enunciated in 1972 as an explanation for specific types of public responses to fears or alarms, sociologist Stanley Cohen’s concept of a ‘moral panic’ has attracted considerable attention from scholars.1 Curiously, despite this impressive literature, many historians have embraced the concept without explaining clearly what they thought constituted a moral panic, especially in analyses of the First World War. Since publication of his book, Cohen’s concept has been refined in

in Women drinking out in Britain since the early twentieth century
Being right, knowing better

3681 The Politics of war reporting.qxd:Layout 1 28/9/11 11:14 Page 94 5 Journalistic ethics and moral authority: being right, knowing better As a sociologist, I know that morality only works if it is supported by structures and a mechanism that give people an interest in morality. (Bourdieu, 1998b: 56) Is it futile to discuss journalistic ethics? Relativism versus strategism Previous chapters have set out the case for interpreting journalistic principles primarily as strategic. While this could reasonably be understood to indicate that the particular

in The politics of war reporting