legislation in order to tackle Islamist terrorism at home and abroad. Prevent, and the idea that the government should try to stop people becoming terrorists in the first place, represents a key, and increasingly central, element of this response. This chapter tells the history of the UK’s Prevent policy. First presented to Cabinet in 2003, this chapter details the increasing importance of the policy and its institutional and practical developments. In seeking to stop people becoming radicalised, the Prevent policy
Q: What is the difference between a Paris terrorist, a Portsmouth-Syria jihadist and a Right Wing Extremist? A: Nothing. They all lack a tolerant, integrated national identity. This is not a joke. (Knowles, 2015 ) 1 This anti-joke, written by a former police lead on Prevent, cuts to the heart of the problematic detailed in this book, and the power that the assemblage of counter-radicalisation mobilises in response. Those who enact violent
In this chapter and the next, the book intends to present a very different, second reading of the Prevent policy, a reading that brings to the surface the problematisation of threat at the heart of Prevent. The previous reading emphasised the political debates concerning Prevent and how these have informed the institutional development and implementation of the policy. They demonstrated that the political debates concerning the policy, which have all too often been replicated in the literature, are of the extent
This chapter will outline the academic literature that has developed around the Prevent policy. The chapter argues that, for the most part, the literature has, historically, failed to go beyond the political debates and policy narratives articulated in the previous chapter . The first section will demonstrate that the literature has often presented the ‘solution’ to Prevent to be one of separating its identity and security strands. It is a literature that therefore, like the policy’s internal debates, positions the
Illicit arms trafficking cannot be effectively tackled through a narrowly focused regime to prevent or combat arms smuggling by criminals. A more comprehensive approach is needed . . . International co-operation . . . needs to be embedded in broader efforts to combat transnational criminal networks
The politics of Prevent
How can potential future terrorists be identified? Forming one of the four
pillars of the United Kingdom’s counter-terrorism strategy CONTEST, Prevent
seeks to answer, and act on, this question. Occupying a central role in security
debates post-9/11, Prevent is concerned with understanding and tackling
radicalisation. It carries the promise of early intervention into the lives of
those who may be on a pathway to violence.
This book offers an innovative account of the Prevent policy, situating it as a novel form of power that has played a central role in the production and the policing of contemporary British identity. Drawing on interviews with those at the heart of Prevent’s development, the book provides readers with an in-depth history and conceptualisation of the policy. The book demonstrates that Prevent is an ambitious new way of thinking about violence that has led to the creation of a radical new role for the state: tackling vulnerability to radicalisation. Foregrounding the analytical relationship between security, identity and temporality in Prevent, this book situates the policy as central to contemporary identity politics in the UK. Detailing the history of the policy, and the concepts and practices that have been developed within Prevent, this book critically engages with the assumptions on which they are based and the forms of power they mobilise.
In providing a timely history and analysis of British counter-radicalisation policy, this book will be of interests to students and academics interested in contemporary security policy and domestic responses to the ‘War on Terror’.
; Kiser, 2013 ). In the end, vital information about the abductions remains the monopoly of the political and criminal networks carrying them out, the aid-organisation crisis units handling them, the private security firms advising them and the intelligence services observing them. Keeping the public and aid workers in the dark, however, is not always justified. In many cases, secrecy is as much an impediment to resolving current cases as it is to preventing and managing future ones. Current Cases The Need to Control Information It goes without
During the Spanish Civil War, extrajudicial executions and disappearances of political opponents took place and their corpses were buried in unregistered mass graves. The absence of an official policy by successive democratic governments aimed at the investigation of these cases, the identification and exhumation of mass graves, together with legal obstacles, have prevented the victims families from obtaining reparation, locating and recovering the human remains. This paper argues that this state of affairs is incompatible with international human rights law and Spain should actively engage in the search for the whereabouts and identification of the bodies with all the available resources.
A Manuscript Appendix to Fantasmagoriana
The role played by Fantasmagoriana in the genesis of Frankenstein and The Vampyre has largely prevented the full critical appreciation of this work in its original context of production, i.e. the French market of supernatural anthologies in the early nineteenth century, paving the way to the so-called frénétique vogue. By analysing a manuscript appendix to Fantasmagoriana, drafted between the mid-1820s and the mid-1830s and bound within a copy formerly belonging to the Roman family Gabrielli-Bonaparte, this article reinstates Fantasmagoriana within the environment of Napoleonic and post-Napoleonic culture and its renewed interest in the supernatural. Whereas English-speaking criticism has normally approached Fantasmagoriana through Tales of the Dead, i.e. Sarah Utterson’s Gothicizing and partial translation of 1813, an analysis of Fantasmagoriana from the point of view of its original readership will enable us to rethink the specificities of the French Gothic beyond Anglocentric perspectives.
James Baldwin and Malcolm X
Taking its cue from recent scholarly work on the concept of time in African American literature, this essay argues that, while both James Baldwin and Malcolm X refuse gradualism and insist on “the now” as the moment of civil rights’ fulfillment, Baldwin also remains troubled by the narrowness assumed by a life, politics, or ethics limited to the present moment. In his engagement with Malcolm’s life and legacy—most notably in One Day, When I Was Lost, his screen adaptation of Malcolm’s autobiography—he works toward a temporal mode that would be both punctual and expansive. What he proposes as the operative time of chronoethics is an “untimely now”: he seeks to replace Malcolm’s unyielding punctuality with a different nowness, one that rejects both calls for “patience,” endemic to any politics that rests on the Enlightenment notion of “perfectibility,” and the breathless urgency that prevents the subject from seeing anything beyond the oppressive system he wants overthrown. Both thinkers find the promise of such untimeliness in their sojourns beyond the United States.