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Alex Vines

This chapter examines the key drivers behind the UK Government’s Africa policy from 1997 to 2018 (under Labour from 1997–2010; under the Liberal Democrat Coalition and the majority Conservative Government of 2010–17 and under a minority Conservative Government from 2017). The chapter also assesses developments after the EU referendum (Brexit) and evaluates how the UK’s strategy towards Africa might evolve. 1 Overall, political interest remains firmly based upon humanitarianism but African security and trade have also become secondary

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Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century

Between ambition and pragmatism

Edited by: Danielle Beswick, Jonathan Fisher and Stephen R. Hurt

Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century provides the first analysis of the state of UK Africa policy in the era of austerity, Conservative government and Brexit. It explores how Britain’s relationship with Africa has evolved since the days of Blair, Brown and Make Poverty History and examines how a changing UK political environment, and international context, has impacted upon this long-standing – and deeply complex – relationship. This edited collection provides an indispensable reference point for researchers and practitioners interested in contemporary UK–Africa relations and the broader place of Africa in British politics and foreign policy. Across twelve chapters, the book’s contributors examine how far UK Africa policy has been transformed since the fall of the 1997–2010 Labour Government and how far Conservative, or Conservative-led, Governments have reshaped and re-cast links with the continent. The book includes analyses of UK approaches to diplomacy, security, peacekeeping, trade and international development in, or with, Africa. The contributions, offered by UK- and Africa-based scholars and practitioners, nonetheless take a broader perspective on UK–Africa relations, examining the changing perspectives, policies and actions of political parties, advocacy groups and the UK population itself. The authors argue that the Afro-optimism of the Blair years no longer provides the guiding framework for UK engagement with Africa. It has not, however, been replaced by an alternative paradigm, leaving significant space for different forms of relationship to be built, or reconstructed. The book includes a foreword by Chi Onwurah MP, Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group for Africa.

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Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye

Introduction During the 2014 West African Ebola epidemic, an estimated US$ 10 billion was spent to contain the disease in the region and globally. The response brought together multilateral agencies, bilateral partnerships, private enterprises and foundations, local governments and communities. Social mobilisation efforts were pivotal components of the response architecture ( Gillespie et al. , 2016 ; Laverack and Manoncourt, 2015 ; Oxfam International, 2015 ). They relied on grassroots community actors, classic figures of humanitarian work or

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When the Music Stops

Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

Stephen Hopgood

Geneva ’, (accessed 9 September 2018 ). Bell , D. ( 2014 ), ‘ What Is Liberalism? ’, Political Theory , 42 : 6 , 682 – 715 . Bradol , J.-H. ( 2004 ), ‘ The Sacrificial International Order and Humanitarian Action ’, in Weissman , F. (ed.), In the Shadow of ‘Just Wars’: Violence, Politics and Humanitarian Action ( Ithaca, NY : Cornell University Press ), pp. 1 – 22 . Cumming-Bruce , N. ( 2018

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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

Mark Duffield

solidarity with its victims. For a couple of decades it was successful in publicly challenging Western foreign policy in Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia ( Duffield, 2007 : 51–4). Having once exercised a moral leadership, however, after a long struggle against donor absorption and UN control, an international direct humanitarian engagement finally yielded amid the horrors of Iraq and Syria. The War on Terror imposed limitations. Compared to the 1970s and 1980s, humanitarian agencies found their political room for manoeuvre significantly

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All Lives Are Equal but Some Lives Are More Equal than Others

Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

Miriam Bradley

– ‘civilian protection’ and ‘staff security’ – and each designates a distinct set of policies and practices. Starting from the perspective that the reasons for such a distinction are not self-evident, the current article seeks to draw attention to the differences between staff-security and civilian-protection strategies, and to stimulate a conversation about the extent to which the differences are justified. The aim is not to argue for or against particular strategies for the safety of aid workers or the wider civilian population, or even to argue that the distinction

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The Changing Faces of UNRWA

From the Global to the Local

Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

these services in fact do not ‘essentially fall within UNRWA health policy mandate’. In the case of ‘normal deliveries’, this service had been funded through additional support provided from the Qatari Red Crescent and UNICEF from 2011 to March 2018, with the start of this service clearly coinciding with the onset of the mass displacement of refugees from Syria to Lebanon and the acknowledgment of the particular vulnerabilities that all Palestinians in Lebanon would be facing as a result. In turn, the copayment service had been introduced

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Oases of Humanity and the Realities of War

Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

Rony Brauman

more than the last thirty years. The supposed decline in humanitarian norms is assumed to have resulted from the changing nature of contemporary conflicts, which are now intra-, rather than inter-, national. It is true that most post-Cold War conflicts have been internal, rather than between countries. Foreign states continue to be involved, however, and as current conflicts in the Near East and Africa remind us, the end of the Cold War did not mean the end of proxy wars. Yet the ‘proxies’ are no longer docile clients of powerful patrons; they avoid being

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Aspects of continuity and change after New Labour

Danielle Beswick, Jonathan Fisher and Stephen R. Hurt

The chapters in this collection provide a rich, empirically informed picture of contemporary UK–Africa relations and a comprehensive assessment of how far UK Africa policy has changed since the New Labour Government’s loss of power in May 2010. What we find is that the overall picture is deeply ambiguous, with assessments differing according to the aspect of the relationship under study. On the one hand, development assistance and security concerns have continued to be important drivers of the UK–Africa relationship since 2010, as they

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UK Africa policy in the twenty-first century: business as usual?

Danielle Beswick, Jonathan Fisher and Stephen R. Hurt

Fifteen years after Tony Blair placed Africa at the heart of British foreign policy in his famous ‘scar on our consciences’ speech at the 2001 Labour Party Conference (Blair, 2001 ), the place of Africa in UK international relations could hardly be more ambiguous. For some in Whitehall, Africa represents ‘an exciting trading opportunity’ for a post-Brexit world (Price, 2017 ); for others a source of ‘marauding’ and ‘desperate’ migrants who represent a ‘threat’ to British security (Perraudin, 2015 ). Africa is also the main focus of