A genealogical study of terrorism and counter-terrorism discourses
counter-terrorism initiatives are indispensable. These include military-oriented counter-terrorism initiatives in the Middle East and North Africa region, the wider utilisation of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), public surveillance targeting certain minority groups (such as Muslim youths) and policies based on the UK’s CONTEST with the possibility of eroding human rights, individual liberty and freedom of speech and expression.
This chapter provides a genealogical and discursive analysis of the current radicalisation and (violent) extremism discourse. It
Extremism and the ‘politics of mutual envy’ in Nigeria?
), especially from a very Westerncentric perspective. An entangled reading of the evolution of the concept within both contexts may help to shed light on how postcolonial mimicry has plagued African states in their security practice, and how a more critical engagement with Western concepts can serve to advance knowledge ( Barnard-Wills and Moore, 2010 ).
Mayors’ attempts to Prevent (UK), Forestall (Nigeria) and possibly ‘reverse’ radicalisation
Two main policies exemplify attempts by the British and Nigerian governments to combat terrorism through improvised untraditional
are laden with latent racism ( Goldberg, 2009 ; Kapoor, 2013 ).
Security and citizenship
Counter-terrorism policies impact differentially the security and citizenship of the population. First, ‘security’ is implicitly presumed to be that of the dominant (white) population, so insecurities experienced by suspect communities are only a concern insofar as they might drive ‘radicalisation’. Jarvis and Lister (2013) found that white participants in the UK viewed anti-terrorism measures as distanced from their everyday lives, whereas participants from ethnic
political considerations in the business of
defence planning. However, such a mechanism, were it to be introduced,
would involve complications. Firstly how would it avoid the tag of
unaccountability that has dogged the HSE? Moreover the experience of the
UK is to be considered. The Ministry of Defence (MoD) is both a
department of state handling policy issues and the Supreme Headquarters
of the Armed Forces
In the imperial sphere, the Labour
government pursued a policy of ‘conservatism decked out to appear
… progressive’. 2 Retreat from the Indian subcontinent led to renewed
attempts to preserve British influence throughout the Middle East and
sub-Saharan Africa as ministers and officials attempted to redevelop the
Empire along new lines. While numerous studies have focused on colonial
Commonwealth countries. Indeed, as we argue in Chapter 2 , the United Nations appears to have held up the UK’s membership offences as a best-practice model of anti-terrorism law-making in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. It is unsurprising, therefore – to take one example – that a 2001 amendment to Pakistan’s Anti-Terrorism Act 1997 saw a direct emulation of the UK’s proscription provisions set out in the TA 2000. This is a language, moreover, that has been mirrored in English-speaking countries across parts of Asia and Africa, and yet the logics that inspired the UK
The EU’s enlargement from
fifteen to twenty-five members brings both risks and opportunities for
the EU’s most challenging policy initiative, the ESDP. It
crystallises the fundamental questions at its heart. What policy
priorities and common interests shape ESDP? What capabilities does ESDP
possess and what does it still need? What sort of leadership will be
in the UK during the war (see Van der Bijl 2017 , 29–30). The KCA had been formed to organise resistance to land appropriations by settlers, and was proscribed by colonial authorities in 1940 (Grob-Fitzgibbon 2015 , 194). Kenyatta, who would go on to become Kenya’s first post-independence leader, took over the leadership of the Kenya Africa Union (KAU) in 1947. The group’s agitation against the precepts of colonial rule earned Kenyatta and the KAU’s senior officials close attention from colonial authorities.
Violent resistance against British rule broke out in
philosophy, central monetary authorities’ manipulation of the money supply and interest rates in neoliberal countries has been accompanied by the implementation of reduced tax rates for businesses ( Martinez and Garcia 1998 , 2; Peck 2010 , 98). Since the initial introduction of neoliberal policies by the UK Thatcher and US Reagan Governments between 1979 and 1981, which followed the post-1973 ‘neoliberal experiment’ in Chile under the US-backed Augusto Pinochet government (Drake and Frank 2004), Friedman’s trickle-down monetarist economic logic has justified the broad
A local critique of international donors' discourses
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United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime , 2018 . Counter-Terrorism Module 2 Key Issues: Preventing & Countering Violent Extremism . Available at www.unodc.org Available at www.unodc.org/e4j/en/terrorism/module-2/key-issues/index.html (accessed 14 February 2020).
Wallace , T. , 1997 . ‘New development agendas: Changes in UK NGO policies and procedures’, Review of African Political Economy , 24 , 35–55 .
Wallace , T. , Bornstein , L. and Chapman , J. , 2007 . The Aid Chain: Coercion and Commitment in