This book explores the transformation of the Japanese state in response to a variety of challenges by focusing on two case studies: Information and Communications Technology (ICT) regulation and anti-monopoly regulation after the 1980s, which experienced a disjuncture and significant transformation during the period, with particularistic approaches embracing competition. The case studies set up the state as the key locus of power, in contrast to pluralist and rational choice schools, which regard the state as insignificant. The analytical framework is drawn from key theories of governance and the state including the concepts of the core executive and the regulatory state. The book explores the extent to which there is asymmetric dominance on the part of Japan’s core executive through an examination of recent developments in the Japanese regulatory tradition since the 1980s. It concludes that the transformation of the Japanese state in the two case studies can be characterised as Japanese regulatory state development, with a view that the state at a macro level is the key locus of power. This book explores the transformation of the state and governance in a Japanese context and presents itself as an example of the new governance school addressing the state, its transformation, and the governance of the political arena in Japanese politics and beyond, setting out a challenge to the established body of pluralist and rational choice literature on Japanese politics.
Breaking the egg shell
The JFTC’s independence is an unusual feature within Japan’s political
tradition. As demonstrated by the 1977 AMA amendment, the commission’s independence emerged as a notable element that characterised
policy-making in anti-monopolyregulation (Beeman 2002). Elsewhere,
the prioritisation of the sector after the 1990s gradually changed the conditions surrounding and shaping anti-monopolyregulation. This change
had the potential to reframe the JFTC and the sector, including the commission’s independence and state capacity within the
Piecemeal transformation: anti-monopolyregulationAnti-monopolyregulation, which is sometimes referred to as ‘antitrust’
regulation, initially emerged in the US but grew internationally after
1945. This process provoked a contention between indigenous states’ traditions and the American approach; the spread occurred ‘within a contested cross-cultural public discourse that recognized Americanization
as an active element primarily in relation to indigenous factors already
constituting capitalist systems’ (Freyer 2006: 1). The development of
asymmetric dominant position in relation to societal actors, drawing on
fluid changes of power within the core executive. The evolution of Japan’s
regulatory framework in ICT regulation and anti-monopolyregulation
exemplifies state transformation dominated by a loose network of the
core executive. The next two sections analyse specific examples that
demonstrate the dominance of the core executive in the case studies: the
138 The nature of Japanese governance
sequence of shaping regulators and the capacity of the Japanese regulatory state. While the
specialising in communications policy, including LDP Yūsei-zoku. The role
and power of MIC officials have not been explicitly reported by observers; what appears is their smooth reaction to Abe’s abrupt request and
skilful approach to the issue.
Turning to anti-monopolyregulation, the Abe administration retained
the post of the Cabinet minister responsible for the JFTC created by the
DPJ government. The observable impact of this post is not significant
and no explicit assignment regarding the JFTC appears on the official
government website as of September 2016 (Kantei 2016a
intelligence services. Instead, the UK Department of
Health is heavily involved in policy-making together with the Treasury.
Elsewhere, Smith’s (1999) definition allows more flexibility to include
relevant actors by embracing departments in the core executive.
To respond to the case-specific characteristic of the core executive,
one must recognise its polymorphous nature. Some important actors
in one field (e.g. intelligence services in counter-terrorism) have few
roles in other fields (e.g. the NHS, domestic anti-monopolyregulation).
An example can be found in Kamikubo
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union.
This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second
edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new
preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises,
populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron. Placing an
emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political
prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the
unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the
subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the
latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and
the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part
addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism'
is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the
project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity
in the years since 9/11. Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages
with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international
relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise
and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and
professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader
readership concerned with the future of Europe
In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.
between, say, Coventry and Wimbledon (two other Premiership clubs) is not a close substitute.
There are two outlets for this market for watching Manchester United – either
attending the ground or else watching games live on television. The sales via
these two outlets are organised and priced by separate companies, namely
Manchester United and BSkyB respectively. Had the attempted acquisition
been successful it would have created a monopoly provider for the two
outlets. This would have resulted in at least two anti-competitive threats.
Firstly, the monopoly provider