Search results

Transformation and the regulatory state

This book explores the transformation of the Japanese state in response to a variety of challenges by focusing on two case studies: Information and Communications Technology (ICT) regulation and anti-monopoly regulation after the 1980s, which experienced a disjuncture and significant transformation during the period, with particularistic approaches embracing competition. The case studies set up the state as the key locus of power, in contrast to pluralist and rational choice schools, which regard the state as insignificant. The analytical framework is drawn from key theories of governance and the state including the concepts of the core executive and the regulatory state. The book explores the extent to which there is asymmetric dominance on the part of Japan’s core executive through an examination of recent developments in the Japanese regulatory tradition since the 1980s. It concludes that the transformation of the Japanese state in the two case studies can be characterised as Japanese regulatory state development, with a view that the state at a macro level is the key locus of power. This book explores the transformation of the state and governance in a Japanese context and presents itself as an example of the new governance school addressing the state, its transformation, and the governance of the political arena in Japanese politics and beyond, setting out a challenge to the established body of pluralist and rational choice literature on Japanese politics.

6 Breaking the egg shell The JFTC’s independence is an unusual feature within Japan’s political tradition. As demonstrated by the 1977 AMA amendment, the commission’s independence emerged as a notable element that characterised policy-making in anti-monopoly regulation (Beeman 2002). Elsewhere, the prioritisation of the sector after the 1990s gradually changed the conditions surrounding and shaping anti-monopoly regulation. This change had the potential to reframe the JFTC and the sector, including the commission’s independence and state capacity within the

in Understanding governance in contemporary Japan
Anti-monopoly regulation

5 Piecemeal transformation: anti-monopoly regulation Anti-monopoly regulation, which is sometimes referred to as ‘antitrust’ regulation, initially emerged in the US but grew internationally after 1945. This process provoked a contention between indigenous states’ traditions and the American approach; the spread occurred ‘within a contested cross-cultural public discourse that recognized Americanization as an active element primarily in relation to indigenous factors already constituting capitalist systems’ (Freyer 2006: 1). The development of anti-monopoly

in Understanding governance in contemporary Japan

had an asymmetric dominant position in relation to societal actors, drawing on fluid changes of power within the core executive. The evolution of Japan’s regulatory framework in ICT regulation and anti-monopoly regulation exemplifies state transformation dominated by a loose network of the core executive. The next two sections analyse specific examples that demonstrate the dominance of the core executive in the case studies: the 137 138  The nature of Japanese governance sequence of shaping regulators and the capacity of the Japanese regulatory state. While the

in Understanding governance in contemporary Japan
Abstract only
The implications of the research

specialising in communications policy, including LDP Yūsei-zoku. The role and power of MIC officials have not been explicitly reported by observers; what appears is their smooth reaction to Abe’s abrupt request and skilful approach to the issue. Turning to anti-monopoly regulation, the Abe administration retained the post of the Cabinet minister responsible for the JFTC created by the DPJ government. The observable impact of this post is not significant and no explicit assignment regarding the JFTC appears on the official government website as of September 2016 (Kantei 2016a

in Understanding governance in contemporary Japan

intelligence services. Instead, the UK Department of Health is heavily involved in policy-making together with the Treasury. Elsewhere, Smith’s (1999) definition allows more flexibility to include relevant actors by embracing departments in the core executive. To respond to the case-specific characteristic of the core executive, one must recognise its polymorphous nature. Some important actors in one field (e.g. intelligence services in counter-terrorism) have few roles in other fields (e.g. the NHS, domestic anti-monopoly regulation). An example can be found in Kamikubo

in Understanding governance in contemporary Japan
Irish republican media activism since the Good Friday Agreement

Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism.

Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence.

Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles.

This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.

Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe

Community engagement and lifelong learning

In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.

between, say, Coventry and Wimbledon (two other Premiership clubs) is not a close substitute. There are two outlets for this market for watching Manchester United – either attending the ground or else watching games live on television. The sales via these two outlets are organised and priced by separate companies, namely Manchester United and BSkyB respectively. Had the attempted acquisition been successful it would have created a monopoly provider for the two outlets. This would have resulted in at least two anti-competitive threats. Firstly, the monopoly provider

in Market relations and the competitive process