How the electorate votes is a key element in the politics of any democracy and comprises, along with polls, a major part of media coverage of political matters. Voting behaviour is closely connected to many aspects of society, as this chapter explains.
Who votes and who stands?
Most British subjects aged eighteen years or over are entitled to vote in local, parliamentary and European elections. To do so, they have to be a citizen of the UK, a Commonwealth country or the Republic of Ireland, and to be resident in a constituency and on the electoral register
but crime was not rife. Most muleteers were well behaved or got away
with it. The nature and incidence of criminal behaviour reflected the
harsh conditions in Salonica and the different circumstances in
Constantinople, as well as the high rate of violence in Cyprus
Chapter 1 showed how
there is little literature on how and why soldiers misbehaved during
internal as external threat; if little welfare or political rights are delivered, precarious legitimacy is exceptionally dependent on the nationalist or Islamic credibility of foreign policy (Dawisha 1990).
Aspects of state formation
This study will argue that several aspects of state formation are pivotal in determining the international behaviour of states and specifically to explaining variations in their foreign policies.
(1) The circumstances of a state’s initial composition tend to set it on a
Locating the EU’s strategic behaviour
in sub-Saharan Africa: an emerging
Richard G. Whitman and Toni Haastrup
There is now a need for a new phase in the Africa-EU relationship, a new
strategic partnership and a Joint Africa–EU Strategy as a political vision
and roadmap for the future cooperation between the two continents in
existing and new areas and arenas. (Council of the European Union, 2007)
Conflict is often linked to state fragility. Countries like Somalia are caught
in a vicious cycle of weak governance and recurring conflict. We
The impact of gender quotas on
voting behaviour in 2016
In 2016, the Republic of Ireland joined over fifty countries worldwide in the
adoption of candidate gender quotas. Introduced via the Electoral Reform Act of
2012, this quota stipulated that the slate of candidates running for each party be
composed of no less than 30 per cent of either gender, which effectively meant
Irish parties had to find a lot more women to run in a very short space of time.
Parties failing to reach this threshold would be punished by the halving of their
Onanism and obsessive behaviour in Our Mutual Friend
classic castration image, but it is also a behaviour that can be observed elsewhere in Dickens’ undeniably pre-Freudian fiction. 12
William A. Cohen, in his examination of onanism in Great Expectations (1860–61), cites the example of Jaggers, whose trademark gesture involves ‘biting the side of his great [i.e., right] forefinger’ while his left hand is held in his trouser pocket. 13 Cohen points up the way this action not only draws attention to the hand Jaggers is biting but also hints at the possibly more furtive manoeuvres of that (left) 14
The social exploits and behaviour of
nurses during the Anglo-Boer War,
During the Second Anglo-Boer War, two key watchwords associated with serving nurses were ‘duty’ and ‘respectability’.2 At the commencement of war, women from across the Empire, including trained
nurses, saw the opportunity to travel to South Africa to experience
war and work alongside men as their equals, caught up in a patriotic fervour to defend and expand the Queen’s lands. The war, which
resulted from years of ambitious encounters over gold deposits,
Comparative analysis of the history of electoral corruption is practically non-existent. This chapter seeks to establish some of the coordinates around which such accounts might be written and does so by examining the trajectory of electoral reform in Britain, France and the United States, from roughly the late eighteenth century until the eve of the First World War. Above all, it aims to place Britain in the wider context of two countries which also witnessed expanding male suffrage and increasingly competitive elections. Such developments encouraged unprecedented efforts to influence the outcome of elections, thereby prompting reflection on the nature of canvassing and voting, which in turn led to attempts at regulation. New norms of behaviour, however, were by no means automatically endorsed, and it would be wrong to suggest a linear process of electoral purification. In each country reformist aspirations had to contend with deep-seated customary norms, while the meaning of ‘corrupt practices’ was widely contested. Nonetheless, it will be argued that by the early twentieth-century anticorruption legislation had eradicated the most egregious manifestations of electoral malpractice. Old norms of communal interaction and influence gradually gave way to a conception of voting based on the security of individual expression. Crucially, this comparative approach allows for a reappraisal of Britain’s peculiar route to mass democracy: although something of a laggard in other respects, here Britain led the way, and was the first to introduce a fully secure secret ballot and a non-partisan culture of electoral administration.
powerful men, and how these experiences have
historically been covered up or denied. This has led to individual men making
apologies for past behaviour, and organisations committing themselves publicly to a
lack of tolerance for this behaviour in the future, and countless more women
speaking up only to have their experiences and their histories dragged open and
pored over to achieve little tangible change.
This article explores #MeToo in the context of the aid industry
in world-experience. What is often called post-humanism ( Braidotti, 2013 ) brings several contemporary positivist stands together.
These include the new empiricism, speculative realism and actor network theory. Post-humanist
thought draws on process-oriented behavioural ontologies of becoming. These privilege
individuals understood as cognitively limited by their unmediated relationship with their
enfolding environments ( Galloway, 2013 ; Chandler, 2015 ). An individual’s
‘world’ reduces to the immediate who, where and when of their