to provide answers for questions regarding European identity. India enabled Europe to discover its supposedly ‘true’ past. Nowhere was this process more apparent than in the attempt of Voltaire (1694–1778) to rewrite the history of religions and compare world mythologies.
In particular, it was in his understanding of the Fall of Man that Voltaire's true need to construct an Indian alibi (Latin: ‘elsewhere’) surfaced. Voltaire compared what he perceived as the Indian version of the Fall to the classical myth relating the revolt of the Titans and
diversity of personal meaning. Just as the pastoral
cartographies created by settler capitalism offered opportunities to
memorialise the settlers’ diasporic past through place naming ( chapter 6 ), so too, towns offered the possibility
of complex and contested semiotics of place. Naming settler towns and
villages was as important in shaping meaning and building identity as
bounding and naming the colonists’ pastoral properties. In
New Zealand’s British Empire and Commonwealth Games, 1950–90
elements highlighted the
awkward and contested nature of the manner in which imperial identity
was being refashioned. In particular, they revealed a persistent
concern that racial animosity had not been eliminated from the
competition – or the Commonwealth – and highlighted
intergenerational tensions that threatened to lay bare competing
ideals of Commonwealth identity
state. The ‘home and the world split’ which has been
identified as the base of the national(ist) identity 14 was
certainly severely challenged by such a reform proposal,
precipitating moral contestation and political turmoil. Interpreted
as a virtual assault on indigenous rights to self-definition,
objections came not only from shastric 15 individuals but also from
Biblical literacy and Khoesan national renewal in the Cape Colony
He continued, ‘My nation is poor and degraded, but the Word of God is their stay and their hope … The Bible makes all nations one. The Bible brings wild man and civilised together. The Bible is our light. The [Khoekhoe] nation was almost exterminated, but the Bible has brought the nations together, and here am I before you.’
During the early nineteenth century, the public sphere in the Cape Colony was fraught with contesting views and rival opinions over notions of identity
Thomas Nast and the colonisation of the American West
Reconstruction – and linked racial categories in ways his readers may not have been prepared to accept. In the indigenous/exogenous dichotomy so central to colonialism and settler societies, Nast attempted not only to erase some distinctions but also to suggest commonalities reflecting the ‘protracted contestation’ of identity in settler societies.
Probably Nast's most famous image related to Native Americans appeared in 1879.
Sarukhan’s al-Masri Effendi cartoons in the first half of the
the Egyptians and their character . The character is therefore best seen as a far more complex one than commonly believed, as both a critique of internal Egyptian politics and society (with inflections dependent on understandings of class and gender), and an affectionate (but contested) embodiment of the nation. In what follows, I chart the origins of the character in its home context of the satirical review Ruz al-Yusuf ; explore the broader cultural context from which al-Masri Effendi emerged and drew his relevance; and examine his contested status as either
Rajas, maharajas and others in post-colonial India
, over time, they would likely lose their separate identities and be absorbed into independent India. Such a policy would prevent India from becoming a balkanised moth-eaten entity of numerous independent kingdoms of varying sizes, something alien to the Congress ideal of a unified nation. The task of implementing party policy and persuading around 562 kingdoms 7 to join a unitary India before independence was taken up by the deputy prime minister, Sardar Patel, the most powerful and esteemed leader in the nation after Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma
The importance of cartoons, caricature, and satirical art in imperial
Richard Scully and Andrekos Varnava
Africa, the health or otherwise of democratic regimes can (in part) be measured by the cultures of political satire they sustain.
In states where liberal democracy has been a fundamental aspect of developing national identity and national life – for instance in the United States – the connection between cartoons, comics, and liberty has seemed straightforward.
Yet at the same time as he himself was exploring such connections
Sultan Omar Ali and the quest for royal absolutism
Naimah S. Talib
eventually result in Brunei losing its identity as a Muslim monarchy since the populations of the other two colonies were dominated by non-Muslim communities. The changes also gave the impression that it might not be too long before Brunei would be absorbed into a British Borneo entity, which would prejudice the Sultan’s status as an independent sovereign. The trend towards amalgamation ran against Sultan Omar Ali’s determination to reclaim the rights and power that were lost or undermined by the treaty of 1905–6. A further issue was Brunei’s reluctance to share its