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An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

of power in the international system, the construction of a more democratic global order; and, on the other, the promotion of an ethical order associated explicitly with human rights, which included the fight against hunger – the product of a policy of ‘non-indifference’, to use your phrase. CA: Sure, there was. And I was often criticised. But in fact many of the critiques came from outside Brazil and were to do with the way we approached human rights – to do with our good relations with Iran, for example. There was a tension, but I don’t think

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction

the Bharatiya Janata Party ( Mishra, 2017 ). And latterly, with considerable contribution from contemporary technologies of mass communication and voter manipulation, it has been institutionalised through the ballot box. The election (or near-election) of demagogic, right-wing nationalists in Europe in recent years seems indicative of a growing preference for illiberal democracy in the cultural home of liberalism. In opposition to liberal migration and trade policies, Europeans have increasingly opted for a closing-inwards of the nation state

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement

. , 2015 ). In Guinea, both history and contemporary events shape how populations related to the Guinean state. Sekou Touré’s state-led demystification policies had aimed at destroying animist cults considered as backward. These policies continued through the beginning of the Conté presidency (1958–80) – direct evidence of the violence of the state and its disregard for the population ( McGovern, 2013 ). The current Guinean extractive economy, a ‘liberal extractivist regime that primarily benefits external actors’ ( Knierzinger, 2014 : 4), has led ordinary Guineans to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editors: Michael Holmes and Knut Roder

The financial crisis that erupted on both sides of the Atlantic in 2007–8 initially seemed to offer new political and economic opportunities to the left. As financial institutions collapsed, traditional left-wing issues were apparently back on the agenda. There was the prospect of a return to a more regulated economy, there was widespread state intervention to try to salvage failing banks, and it led to increased scrutiny of the wages and bonuses at the upper end of the scale. However, instead of being a trigger for a resurgence of the left, and despite a surge of support for new parties like SYRIZA and Podemos, in many European countries left-wing parties have suffered electoral defeat. At the same time, the crisis has led to austerity programmes being implemented across Europe, causing further erosion of the welfare state and pushing many into poverty. This timely book examines this crucial period for the left in Europe from a number of perspectives and addresses key questions including: How did political parties from the left respond to the crisis both programmatically and politically? What does the crisis mean for the relationship between the left and European integration? What does the crisis mean for socialism as an economic, political and social project? This collection focuses on a comparison between ten EU member states, and considers a range of different party families of the left, from social democracy through green left to radical left.

Abstract only

candidate who places primary emphasis on electoral considerations rather than policy 180 The   VP advantage expertise or leadership potential in this process, given that a running mate could become president? In the heat of a campaign, undoubtedly a candidate and his or her staff will consider a running mate’s influence on the electorate. But that’s to be expected. The purpose of a campaign is to win an election. However, presidential candidates are unwise to emphasize electoral considerations when selecting a running mate. Once more, this is not simply a normative

in The VP Advantage

M1546 - BIRCH TXT.qxp:ANDY Q7 27/10/08 11:31 Page 118 7 Compulsory voting and political outcomes So far we have been concerned mainly with the relationship between compulsory voting and aspects of the electoral process itself, including the attitudes and behaviour of citizens before and during voting. This chapter will turn instead to the impact of this institution on a variety of different ‘outcomes’ of elections. The range of possible outcomes to consider is large, and it is not possible within the space available in a book of this length to take them all

in Full participation

was headed by the prominent Labor ‘rat’, Joseph Lyons. The UAP ruled the federal electoral scene for the remainder of the 1930s on the basis of ‘policies of “sound finance”, economic salvation, and conservative loyalty to nation and empire’. 5 Results in the states were more mixed. Queensland was Labor’s flagship, with the ALP holding continuous office there from 1915 to 1929 and from 1932 to 1957. The ALP performed well in Western Australia and Tasmania from the mid 1920s onwards. In New South Wales, regarded

in Labour and the politics of Empire
The impact of austerity politics in France

Introduction The crisis and recession of the late 2000s and early 2010s impacted France as much as other western democracies, producing destabilising effects for the political system as a whole (Hernández & Kriesi, 2015 ; Morlino & Raniolo, 2017 ). Austerity policies were adopted in response to the financial crisis, but inevitably redefined the domestic policy agenda with quite remarkable consequences on electoral behaviour and citizens’ satisfaction with politics as well as on governments’ strategies in building

in The European left and the financial crisis
PASOK in the wake of the crisis in Greece (2009–13)

’s own policy mistakes. This chapter attempts to answer the following questions: how is it possible to explain PASOK’s passage from electoral triumph to collapse in a very short time period and is the economic crisis the exclusive reason for the party’s defeat? How did the party fare after November 2011, when it switched from single party government to sharing power with other parties in coalition governments? How has the party tried to revamp its organisational structure and ideological profile after the defeat of 2012 and in the context of the ongoing economic crisis

in European social democracy during the global economic crisis

elected as his deputy. Kinnock was from the left of the party and was a keen supporter of unilateral nuclear disarmament, while Hattersley was from the right. It was clear that the party’s structure, polices and image all needed urgent attention, and ‘Kinnock realised that if Labour was to achieve electoral victory it was necessary to reorganise the Party, to make policy more acceptable to the electorate and to end the internal divisions’.35 However, as Eric Shaw points out, ‘Kinnock’s predicament was that his command over the Party was insufficient to accomplish his

in The Labour Party and the world