Political constitutionalism and
We have focused so far on the theory of republican freedom in rather abstract
terms. In Part II, however, we consider how these ideas relate to specific questions of institutional design. In particular, we consider how republican theory might inform the inter-relationship between the legislative, executive
and judicial organs of government. In this chapter, we assess the Westminster
model of responsible government – both as it is posited in the text of the Irish
Constitution and as it is practised in
This book explores the transformation of the Japanese state in response to a variety of challenges by focusing on two case studies: Information and Communications Technology (ICT) regulation and anti-monopoly regulation after the 1980s, which experienced a disjuncture and significant transformation during the period, with particularistic approaches embracing competition. The case studies set up the state as the key locus of power, in contrast to pluralist and rational choice schools, which regard the state as insignificant. The analytical framework is drawn from key theories of governance and the state including the concepts of the core executive and the regulatory state. The book explores the extent to which there is asymmetric dominance on the part of Japan’s core executive through an examination of recent developments in the Japanese regulatory tradition since the 1980s. It concludes that the transformation of the Japanese state in the two case studies can be characterised as Japanese regulatory state development, with a view that the state at a macro level is the key locus of power. This book explores the transformation of the state and governance in a Japanese context and presents itself as an example of the new governance school addressing the state, its transformation, and the governance of the political arena in Japanese politics and beyond, setting out a challenge to the established body of pluralist and rational choice literature on Japanese politics.
, which may describe the horrendous conditions in which the hostages are being
held and the payment of ransom to criminal and political networks ( Callimachi, 2014a , 2014b ; Kiser,
2013 ). In the end, vital information about the abductions remains the
monopoly of the political and criminal networks carrying them out, the
aid-organisation crisis units handling them, the private security firms advising
them and the intelligence services observing them. Keeping the public and aid workers
disinformation. But they have not yet closely examined their impact in humanitarian crises.
This is a remarkable oversight. In humanitarian crises, false information can have life-and-death
consequences. As Jeanne Bourgault, President and Chief Executive Officer of Internews, states,
false information can ‘undercut efforts to improve health, make disasters worse than they
already are, alienate vulnerable populations, and even incite violence’ (quoted in Igoe, 2017 ). This article introduces the emerging research about online disinformation and the many forms it
Matthew Hunt, Sharon O’Brien, Patrick Cadwell and Dónal P. O’Mathúna
: geographic distances as national
or international responders travel to a locale experiencing crisis, but also
social, cultural, political and narrative distances due to the vastly divergent
experiences of people caught up in crises. A key challenge for humanitarian
ethics is to take account both of the steep asymmetries between those seeking to
provide assistance (though not always succeeding) and others who require help
due to a crisis, and the
This book analyses the contemporary politics of the nation states of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden and the Home Rule territories of Greenland, Faeroes and Åland that together make up the Nordic region. It covers Scandinavia past and present, parties in developmental perspective, the Scandinavian party system model, the Nordic model of government, the Nordic welfare model, legislative-executive relations in the region, and the changing security environment. The Nordic states have a shared history, common linguistic bonds and a common state Lutheran religion. Of the six Scandinavian languages, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish are mutually intelligible, whilst Swedish is an official national language in Finland. Turning to a brief overview of nation-building and state-building in the Nordic region, an obvious distinction can be drawn between those 'stateless nations' which went on to achieve statehood and the territories that have not achieved independence. The book presents a brief chronology of events in Norden up to 1922, when Åland achieved autonomy. In Sweden the historic phase of party-building produced a basic two-plus-three configuration and a party system based on five 'isms': communism, social democracy, agrarianism, liberalism and conservatism. By 1930 there was a bifurcated parliamentary left and a fragmented nonsocialist bloc consisting of essentially town-based Liberal and Conservative parties and a farmer-based Agrarian Party. Whilst acknowledging the limitations inherent in the periodisation of party system change, the book focuses on the extent of party system change since the 'earthquake elections' of 1970-73.
The Labour Party government elected in 1997 pledged to reform the Westminster parliament by modernising the House of Commons and removing the hereditary peers from the House of Lords. Events have consequently demonstrated the deep controversy that accompanies such attempts at institutional reconfiguration, and have highlighted the shifting fault-lines in executive-legislative relations in the UK, as well as the deep complexities surrounding British constitutional politics. The story of parliamentary reform is about the nature of the British political system, about how the government seeks to expand its control over parliament, and about how parliament discharges its duty to scrutinise the executive and hold it to account. This book charts the course of Westminster reform since 1997, but does so by placing it in the context of parliamentary reform pursued in the past, and thus adopts a historical perspective that lends it analytical value. It examines parliamentary reform through the lens of institutional theory, in order not only to describe reform but also to interpret and explain it. The book also draws on extensive interviews conducted with MPs and peers involved in the reform of parliament since 1997, thus offering an insight into how these political actors perceived the reform process in which they played a part. It provides a comprehensive analysis of the trajectory and outcome of the reform of parliament, along with an original interpretation of that reform and its implications.
Democracy and representation:
the rights of mayors
The arguments both for and against directly elected mayors, as they have
been expounded during referendum campaigns by the ‘pro’ and ‘anti’
camps, fall far short of a robust analytical framework concerning direct
election to executivepolitical oﬃce. Indeed, the arguments have often
ranged from the anecdotal and hysterical to the impressionistic and
mundane.1 Moreover, exploring the notion of directly elected mayors
within the wider context of the modernisation agenda has distracted
political agents have become more powerful while others have lost power.
This study has shown that the structural reasons for the democratic
stalemate are twofold. First, as I have demonstrated through Finnish and French
case studies, in the European political order executive-type political resources
held by state executives and European bureaucrats prevail over legislative types
of political resources. Supranational executive networks have become more
autonomous, reinforcing the dominance of the resources they control in the
Nordic government(s): parliamentary,
presidential or prime ministerial?
It is evident that Finland has been moving closer to the parliamentary states of
Western Europe and that there are hardly any grounds for the epithet ‘semipresidential.
(Nousiainen 2001: 108)
This chapter focuses on the executive–parties dimension (Lijphart 1999)
and in particular on two striking differences in the nature of the politicalexecutive across the Nordic region. First, there is the contrast, in Lijphart’s
terms, between the executive–legislative balance systems of the