conversion of all the peoples of the world to Western reason and ethics. At the same time, it gives up its role as guardian of international ethics and arbiter of all the world’s conflicts. This does not mean that it stops projecting the superiority of its national values, but, acting as a nation of ‘chosen people’, it opts for the unilateral exercise of its power, through force and the active division and dispersion of its competitors, boycotting every kind of multilateral or regional agreement or bloc, from the European Union to UNASUR, from NAFTA to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

peace operation. But, sure, it wasn’t perfect. There were errors, too. JF: A last question. During the first decade of the twenty-first century, Brazil became a protagonist in multilateral negotiations, pushing for changes at the WTO, reform of the UN Security Council. It was instrumental in the formation of new negotiating blocs: the G20, G3, G4, the BRICS. It didn’t just take positions on matters of peace and security, cooperation and human rights: it also proposed changes to international norms and architecture. You mentioned the Universal

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
On late modernity and social statehood

Populism, neoliberalism, and globalisation are just three of the many terms used to analyse the challenges facing democracies around the world. Critical Theory and Sociological Theory examines those challenges by investigating how the conditions of democratic statehood have been altered at several key historical intervals since 1945. The author explains why the formal mechanisms of democratic statehood, such as elections, have always been complemented by civic, cultural, educational, socio-economic, and, perhaps most importantly, constitutional institutions mediating between citizens and state authority. Critical theory is rearticulated with a contemporary focus in order to show how the mediations between citizens and statehood are once again rapidly changing. The book looks at the ways in which modern societies have developed mixed constitutions in several senses that go beyond the official separation of legislative, executive, and judicial powers. In addition to that separation, one also witnesses a complex set of conflicts, agreements, and precarious compromises that are not adequately defined by the existing conceptual vocabulary on the subject. Darrow Schecter shows why a sociological approach to critical theory is urgently needed to address prevailing conceptual deficits and to explain how the formal mechanisms of democratic statehood need to be complemented and updated in new ways today.

2 Insurrection as history from Guy Fawkes to black blocs This is how the new anarchist urban guerrilla was born, this is how the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire continues to exist. Our attacks deliver blows to the system’s officials and symbols, destroy temples of money, torch political party offices, attack private security guards and security companies, place bombs at jails, courts, detention centers, fascists, at the Parliament, police stations, churches, houses of ministers, we send explosives to embassies and heads of states, blow up military vehicles and

in The politics of attack
One step forward, two steps back

Introduction This chapter examines the Cypriot left in the period since the outbreak of the global financial crisis, a period that found the major party of the Cypriot left, AKEL, in government. A brief historical perspective is introduced in order to contextualise the discussion and highlight the particularities of the left bloc in Cyprus, which is dominated by a reformist communist party (March, 2008 : 4). It then proceeds to scrutinise the Cypriot left's responses to the crisis in terms of government–opposition dynamics

in The European left and the financial crisis

are unified in their opposition to Europe, and the French system contains examples of these. Given that for three of these parties – LO/LCR on the left, and the FN and MNR on the right – the clear anti-European stance largely mirrors their radical anti-system role in other policy domains, we will not spend much time on this for the reasons given above: such positions do not generally engender party system change.1 More importantly, the French case provides ample evidence of previously cohesive party blocs divided by the issue and, moreover, parties split – sometimes

in The French party system
The end of the Cold War and the breakdown of Holocaust metanarratives

Lawson 05_Lawson 08/09/2010 13:39 Page 154 5 ‘National Socialist Extermination Policies’: the end of the Cold War and the breakdown of Holocaust metanarratives When the communist bloc disintegrated from the end of the 1980s, everything changed. The American sociologist Francis Fukyama claimed at the time that the collapse of the Berlin Wall represented the ‘end of history’, the triumph of liberal capitalism.1 It appears now that Fukyama was very wrong. The certainties of life in a bipolar Cold War world disappeared at the end of the 1980s, something to which

in Debates on the Holocaust

late eighteenth century, especially under the influence of Kant and the broader trends of German Romanticism and Idealism (Schiller, the Schlegels, Hölderlin, Hegel and others). For Rancière, most of the art, literature and music we consider modern or modernist can be considered part of a historical bloc defined by the aesthetic regime. On this score, Rancière is emphatically opposed to notions of ‘postmodernism’. Rather, for him, the arguments of the postmodernists tackle the same issues as those of the moderns and, thus, there can be nothing ‘post’ about

in The reality of film
The scholarly persona under authoritarianism

related in his memoirs in a jocular tone. In mature years Hanák had to undergo urgent heart surgery. When the internal specialist who had examined him beforehand got to see the image emerging on the X-ray screen he exclaimed: ‘Gracious heavens! On these arteries I can see the history of the entire twentieth century!’1 This chapter examines Hanák’s choices of subjects for historical study, and it ponders to what extent his life experiences, educational background and the intellectual tradition in which he became socialized influenced those choices. All these factors

in How to be a historian

Francophone or Arabophone women in urban areas. Interviewees’ references to the religious calendar, local events, family networks and family history in shaping how they understood the conflict seem to have a separate existence alongside a post-hoc nationalist calendar of big dates to which these women make no explicit references. Nationalist genealogies 37 Yet this is not an unfiltered memory. If these women tell me the names of Amirouche, Krim Belkacem, Ouamrane and Si Haoues, it is because they expect me to recognise them as historical figures. Chérifa Akache talks

in Our fighting sisters