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Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

Society’: marketisation is followed by popular attempts to secure greater social protection ( Polanyi, 1957 ). 4 Contrary to cosmopolitan hopes and expectations, globalisation itself has wrenched forth the forces of nationalism. Bibliography Anand , S. and Segal , P. ( 2014 ), ‘ The Global Distribution of Income ’, in Atkinson , A. and Bourguignon , F. (eds), Handbook of Income Distribution , Volume 2A ( Amsterdam : North-Holland ), pp. 937 – 79

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Nanna Mik-Meyer

welfare workers (Goffman 1983: 14–15). Today, the issue still carries great importance; especially when recognising that different concepts and norms bring different identifications of the individual and the relationship into play. This chapter consequently focuses on market values and takes a closer look at how service and other ideals affect the encounter between citizens and welfare workers. The chapter begins by introducing the market context and its inherent principles, followed by a discussion of how the marketisation of public administration lays the groundwork

in The power of citizens and professionals in welfare encounters
Nanna Mik-Meyer

is introduced, namely, the discussions of new professionalism (Duyvendak et al. 2006; Evetts 2011; Speed and Gabe 2013), re-professionalisation (Duyvendak et al. 2006) and de-­professionalisation and how these characteristics may be regarded as inextricable consequences of the strong current influence of marketisation and managerialism on welfare work (Rogowski 2010). With particular reference to social work, Rogowski (2010: 111; see also Duyvendak et al. 2006) argues that the current emphasis on users as experts and user empowerment can be regarded as an attack on

in The power of citizens and professionals in welfare encounters
Modernisation abandoned
Peter Dorey

inherently superior. Consequently, the most notable feature of the Conservatives’ pursuit of public sector reform from 2010 was the renewed commitment to ‘marketisation’, either in the guise of further embedding the principles and practices of the private sector into such services as education and health, or by encouraging and enabling ‘independent’ (invariably private) providers to become directly involved in service provision and delivery. Initially at least, many senior Liberal Democrats were content to accede to such reforms, reflecting the strong influence of the

in David Cameron and Conservative renewal
Hugh Atkinson

the concomitant development of social capital. The empowerment agenda, 118 Local democracy, civic engagement and community notwithstanding its limitations and contradictions (see Chapter 3), was framed in terms that sought to develop such potential. I will now analyse the extent to which such potential was realised by focusing on three important policy areas: crime and community safety; privatisation, marketisation and the choice agenda; and finally the emerging concept of the ‘big society’ and localism. Crime and community safety Involvement by local people in

in Local democracy, civic engagement and community
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Contestation, care and the ‘temper of the country’
Gideon Calder

’ responsibilities, for which it is the ‘chosenness’ of a relationship that generates obligations) but more emphatically still in the rhetoric of marketisation. Here, choice takes on an iconic, a priori status, and stands for much more than the making of meaningful decisions. Marquand depicts it as ‘a reified “Choice” with a capital “C”, which has little to do with the mundane choices of real-world parents, or patients or students’ (Marquand, 2013: 122). It is both an emblem of, and a vehicle for, the extension of the market society, and fundamental to ‘a public doctrine that

in Making social democrats
A blessing or a curse for the employment of female university graduates?
Fang Lee Cooke

Union (see Grimshaw and Rubery, 2015; Rubery, 2013). By contrast, while a significant level of gender equality in employment in China has been achieved during the state-planned economy period, measured by the extent of women’s participation in full-time employment and the relatively small gender pay gap (Gustafsson and Li, 2000; Nie et al., 2002), gender discrimination has increased substantially as a result of the deepening marketisation of the economy since the 1980s in China (Cooke, 2012). In particular, labour market discrimination against women of childbearing

in Making work more equal
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The frayed edges of the spectacle
Stewart Allen

The concluding chapter summarises the findings of the book, articulating along the way how a heterotopia of development may be further explored. This includes further discussion of the future impact of the spectacle with reference to the marketisation of development, including how multi-national corporations can generate income from extreme poverty and the role NGOs play in unlocking this market. This leads to a discussion of the spectacle’s relation to current ‘post-truth’ debates in wider society, how it generates spaces of ignorance, and the black-boxing of development work.

in An ethnography of NGO practice in India
Race and nation in twenty-first-century Britain

Nationalism has reasserted itself today as the political force of our times, remaking European politics wherever one looks. Britain is no exception, and in the midst of Brexit, it has even become a vanguard of nationalism's confident return to the mainstream. Brexit, in the course of generating a historically unique standard of sociopolitical uncertainty and constitutional intrigue, tore apart the two-party compact that had defined the parameters of political contestation for much of twentieth-century Britain. This book offers a wide-ranging picture of the different theoretical accounts relevant to addressing nationalism. It briefly repudiates the increasingly common attempts to read contemporary politics through the lens of populism. The book explores the assertion of 'muscular liberalism' and civic nationalism. It examines more traditional, conservative appeals to racialised notions of blood, territory, purity and tradition as a means of reclaiming the nation. The book also examines how neoliberalism, through its recourse to discourses of meritocracy, entrepreneurial self and individual will, alongside its exaltation of a 'points-system' approach to the ills of immigration, engineers its own unique rendition of the nationalist crisis. There are a number of important themes through which the process of liberal nationalism can be documented - what Arun Kundnani captured, simply and concisely, as the entrenchment of 'values racism'. These include the 'faux-feminist' demonisation of Muslims.

The well-being of Europe’s citizens depends less on individual consumption and more on their social consumption of essential goods and services – from water and retail banking to schools and care homes – in what we call the foundational economy. Individual consumption depends on market income, while foundational consumption depends on social infrastructure and delivery systems of networks and branches, which are neither created nor renewed automatically, even as incomes increase. This historically created foundational economy has been wrecked in the last generation by privatisation, outsourcing, franchising and the widespread penetration of opportunistic and predatory business models. The distinctive, primary role of public policy should therefore be to secure the supply of basic services for all citizens (not a quantum of economic growth and jobs). Reconstructing the foundational has to start with a vision of citizenship that identifies foundational entitlements as the conditions for dignified human development, and likewise has to depend on treating the business enterprises central to the foundational economy as juridical persons with claims to entitlements but also with responsibilities and duties. If the aim is citizen well-being and flourishing for the many not the few, then European politics at regional, national and EU level needs to be refocused on foundational consumption and securing universal minimum access and quality. If/when government is unresponsive, the impetus for change has to come from engaging citizens locally and regionally in actions which break with the top down politics of ‘vote for us and we will do this for you’.