This volume offers a series of new essays on the British left – broadly interpreted – during the First World War. Dealing with grassroots case studies of unionism from Bristol to the North East of England, and of high politics in Westminster, these essays probe what changed, and what remained more or less static, in terms of labour relations. For those interested in class, gender, and parliamentary politics or the interplay of ideas between Britain and places such as America, Ireland and Russia, this work has much to offer. From Charlie Chaplin to Ellen Wilkinson, this work paints a broad canvass of British radicalism during the Great War.
Edited by: Lucy Bland and Richard Carr
Edited by: Roger Fieldhouse and Richard Taylor
Edward P. Thompson's activities and writings were diverse spanning literature, history, fiction and poetry, biography, adult education, socialist and libertarian politics, and peace-movement activism. This book explores the various aspects of his intellectual and political work, and its legacy to later generations of radical thinkers and activists in Britain and internationally. Thompson taught exclusively literature classes for the first three years at the University of Leeds, and aimed to attain and maintain a university standard of adult education. The book examines the way in which The Making of the English Working Class grew out of Thompson's day-to-day work at Leeds. Although Thompson's fusion of Marxism with social history constituted the central attraction of his work, he himself bore a degree of responsibility for subsequent dismissals of the Marxist dimension in his work. The book examines Thompson's career-long commitment to literature and to the craft of writing, and makes clear some significant continuities and contrasts within Thompson's specifically literary output. Thompson's concept of socialist humanism retained a resonance and distinctiveness for the twenty-first century, which was a defining characteristic of the early New Left after 1956. The content of Thompson's analyses provides us with one of the richest account of the flesh and blood of emancipation, and the experience, suffering, failure and courage of the working class. The book also looks at his peace movement from the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in the 1950s and 1960s to the European Nuclear Disarmament in the 1980s.
An assessment of sources and principles
This book sketches the history, and outlines the character, of ethnomethodology, a distinctive approach to the study of the social world that emerged in U.S. sociology in the 1950s and 1960s.It examines one of its main sources, the phenomenology of Alfred Schutz, and its similarities to and differences from the work of Goffman. In addition, there is an assessment of its relationship to sociology and other disciplines, and its central principles are interrogated in detail. Attention is also given to its influence on social research methodology.
A political philosophy of language?
2 Thomas Paine’s democratic linguistic radicalism: a political philosophy of language? Carine Lounissi Thomas Paine’s thought and writings have often been described as ‘radical’ with regard to various forms of ‘radicalism’. They have been viewed as pertaining in turn or simultaneously to ‘radical Lockeanism’,1 to a form of eighteenth-century ‘new’ British ‘radicalism’,2 to a form of ‘American radicalism’ at the origin of the Declaration of Independence3 and of a ‘community of radical democrats’4 in the United States of the 1790s, to ‘transatlantic radicalism’5
The Quaker search for the true knowledge
3 English radicalism in the 1650s: the Quaker search for the true knowledge Catie Gill When the Quaker movement emerged in the 1650s, the converts to this branch of radical Protestantism were compelled to share with others, via print as well as in person, the ‘true knowledge’ of their God.1 Quakers were no admirers of schoolmen, the educated clergy, or scholastically influenced dispute. They proposed that the habits of mind of those that had been university trained could be revealed to be at odds with the simple primitivism that was proper to Christianity
6 The parliamentary context of political radicalism in the English revolution Jason Peacey During at least certain moments of extreme political tension during the English revolution, the process of petitioning Parliament could be a risky enterprise. This might seem to be an unexceptional statement, given scholarly familiarity with the fact that the Long Parliament became nervous about radical agitation during the late 1640s, and with the fact that the ideas of army activists and Levellers centred in no small part upon the assertion of the right to petition
12 Working-class writing and publishing in the late twentieth century 1 Sources of radicalism In the 1970s, the idea of working-class writing flared up in the collective imagination. Local areas became sources of creativity that connected to a much wider movement. The local was conceived as both a geographical and a political space that was ripe with democratic potential. Writing and publishing workshops were part of a more general set of social movements, intellectual trends and traditions. They had roots in debates on education, culture, class and the
The passage of the Parliament (Qualification of Women) Act 1918
in the House of Commons introduced by Herbert Samuel on 23 October 1918: ‘That in the opinion of this House, it is desirable that a Bill be passed forthwith making women eligible 58 Labour, British radicalism and the First World War as Members of Parliament.’11 The parliamentary session was to end less than 1 month later, on 21 November 1918; a very tight timescale for a bill to pass. Herbert Samuel (later Viscount Samuel) was Liberal MP for Cleveland and, in 1918, he was a backbencher, having been a government minister in various positions between 1906 and 1916
Glynn 06_Tonra 01 19/06/2014 12:53 Page 115 6 Black radicalism and separate organisation Through the 1970s, families became reunited in London, the community grew and the shortage of decent housing became acute. At the same time, the recession that followed the 1973 oil crisis provided fertile ground for the growth of racist scapegoating and of racist violence encouraged by the far-right National Front. Formed in 1967, the National Front reached a peak of support nationally in 1976 and, like Mosley’s British Union of Fascists before them, concentrated their
Fox and Alldred propose, as their title indicates, is of newer provenance. Goldthorpe offers a well-defined conception of sociology that is very narrow in comparison with what currently comes under that disciplinary banner. The kind of sociology prompted by ‘the new materialism’ is more wide-ranging, but is still at odds with most conventional sociological work, not least that promoted by Goldthorpe. 1 The radicalism of ethnomethodology which pluralism becomes a liability rather than an asset. And it must be suspected that this point was reached some time ago in