Search results
Ch a pter 1 REVOLUTION to combat divorce.” At least, that’s what a blogger at Dose Nation said we were doing when we first started writing about the chemical enhancement of love and relationships. The blogger was referring to an interview we’d done with The Atlantic, where we argued that certain psychoactive substances, including MDMA—the key ingredient in the party drug Ecstasy—might help some couples improve their connection if used in the right way. The truth is, we were not promoting the use of MDM A outright. We were calling for research into this
10 Aestheticising revolution Allan Antliff War is a State activity which does not characterize a transitory and circumscribed period of its action but has been the very essence of its structure for as long as we know during the whole course of exploitation. Alfredo Bonanno1 In August 1914, America’s best-known English-language anarchist journal, Mother Earth, responded to the outbreak of the First World War with a cover illustration by the modernist artist Man Ray. ‘Capitalism’ and ‘Government’ were depicted as two heads of the same beast ripping ‘humanity
10 Parallel revolutions: seventeenth-century England and eighteenth-century France Introduction The French revolutionaries were keen to demonstrate the epoch-changing nature of the events in which they were involved. It was they who invented the term ancien régime, in order to distinguish the period before 1789 from that which followed. Similarly, their attempts to draft a new constitution, to change the dating system and calendar, and to rationalise weights and measures were all designed to reflect the fact that the events of 1789 had ushered in a new era
predictably massive) penis breaks out of his trousers at a genteel tea party and erotic chaos ensues: ‘Round and round I went, faster and faster, shoving in and out, fucking the entire company one by one.’ 3 Akbar liked to see himself as ‘the Groucho Marx of erotica’. 4 Girodias viewed the New York Olympia Press as a venture of the sexual revolution, which made clear the role of his earlier work in the heritage of that revolution. As he wrote in 1970 in the midst of his brief New York undertaking, ‘Our primary
revolution’, no less. The divergence in these views proceeds from different understandings of the nature of Carolingian society and government. If one thinks of that government as relatively centralized and as one that maintained order through effective public institutions, then, logically, the crumbling of the centre would lead to the demise of the public and the rise of private power and institutions. The weaker in society would fall into the grasp of warlords, and near anarchy would follow. This, essentially, is the view of the ‘feudal revolution’ around the
This book examines the events that led up to the 1848 rising and examines the reasons for its failure. It places the rising in the context of political changes outside Ireland, especially the links between the Irish nationalists and radicals and republicans in Britain, France, and North America. The book concludes that far from being foolish or pathetic, the men and women who led and supported the 1848 rising in Ireland were remarkable, both individually and collectively. 1848 is frequently referred to as ‘the year of revolutions’: a year when revolutionary fervour spread through most of Europe. It is generally assumed that Ireland was not involved in the political upheavals that were a hallmark of this period. Although a small uprising did take place in Ireland in July 1848, it is widely assumed to have been a ‘small and ill-conceived rising’. As soon as it was over, the British government was characterizing the rising and its leaders as foolish and pathetic. The book argues that despite the failure of the July rising in Ireland, the events that led to it and followed played a crucial part in the development of modern Irish nationalism. Moreover, far from being a feeble challenge to the authority of the British government, for months the authorities were introducing measures to deal with what they perceived to be an enormous challenge: their tactics ranging from swearing in thousands of Special Constables, to jury-packing, to suspending Habeas Corpus.
Feudalism, venality, and revolution is about the political and social order revealed by the monarchy’s most ambitious effort to reform its institutions, the introduction of participatory assemblies at all levels of the government. It should draw the attention of anyone interested in the sort of social and political conditions that predisposed people to make the French Revolution. In particular, according to Alexis de Tocqueville’s influential work on the Old Regime and the French Revolution, royal centralization had so weakened the feudal power of the nobles that their remaining privileges became glaringly intolerable to commoners. Feudalism, venality, and revolution challenges this theory by showing that when Louis XVI convened assemblies of landowners in the late 1770s and 1780s to discuss policies needed to resolve the budgetary crisis, he faced widespread opposition from lords and office holders. These elites regarded the assemblies as a challenge to their hereditary power over commoners. The monarchy incorporated an administration of seigneurial jurisdictions and venal offices. Lordships and offices upheld inequality on behalf of the nobility and bred the discontent evident in the French Revolution. These findings will alter the way scholars think about the Old Regime society and state and should therefore find a large market among graduate students and professors of European history.
6 The road to revolution: Russia, 1916–17 This war is the crucifixion of the youth of the world.1 Before 1916, there were relatively few British women working in Russia, certainly away from the major cities. Florence Farmborough’s involvement as a ‘sister of mercy’ from as early as 1915 was quite unusual and her active work at the front particularly so. Mary Britnieva, as an Anglo-Russian, was in a slightly different position, but both were long-term residents of the country. Whereas Serbia had been only too pleased to welcome all the various British hospital
MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 08/01/2013, SPi 7 Fergus Campbell: Land and Revolution revisited The book Land and Revolution examines the development of the land question, and its relationship to the evolution of nationalist politics, in Ireland between the fall of Parnell in 1891 and the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1921.1 The book tells the story of nationalist politics and radical agrarian activity in the west of Ireland largely through a detailed case study of east Galway between the early 1890s and 1921. Although other case studies are introduced from
5.1 ‘Demophilius’, The Genuine Principles of the Ancient Saxons, or English Constitution (1776) Published in Philadelphia on the eve of the American Revolution, this anonymous collection makes clear how central a Saxon/Gothic genealogy was to revolutionary politics. J. G. A. Pocock notes that ‘Thomas Jefferson wanted to place Hengist and