Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
liberal about a majority of humanitarian practitioners, we can define it as a commitment to three things: the equal moral worth of all human lives (i.e. non-discrimination on principle), the moral priority of the claims of individuals over the authority claims of any collective entity – from nations to churches to classes to families – and a belief that as a moral commitment (one that transcends any sociological or political boundary) there is a just and legitimate reason to intervene in any and all circumstances where human beings suffer (even if
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector
. ( 2018 ), ‘ Saving the Saviors: Security Practices and Professional Struggles in the Humanitarian Space ’, International Political Sociology , 12 : 1 , 70 – 87 . doi: 10.1093/ips/olx023 . Bradley , M. ( 2013 ), ‘ International Humanitarian Law, Non-State Armed Groups and the International Committee of the Red Cross in Colombia ’, Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies , 4 : 1 , 108 – 34 . Bradley , M. ( 2014 ), ‘ Sri Lanka: Limited Humanitarian Action – Or a Lesson in the Limits of Humanitarian Action? ’, International Development Policy
.rtbf.be/info/belgique/detail_les-employes-de-msf-enleves-en-syrie-dont-un-belge-ont-ete-liberes?id=8269986 (accessed 28 June 2019) . Simon , J. ( 2014 ), ‘ Is It Time to End Media Blackouts? ’, Columbia Journalism Review , 3 September, http://m.cjr.org/164394/show/09239ac3b655cee6f021e5def773aad4/ (accessed 28 June 2019) . Turner , M. ( 1998 ), ‘ Kidnapping and Politics ’, International Journal of the Sociology of Law , 26 , 145 – 60 .
The case for societal constitutionalism
Edited by: Diana Göbel
This volume collects and revises the key essays of Gunther Teubner, one of the world’s leading sociologists of law. Written over the past twenty years, these essays examine the ‘dark side’ of functional differentiation and the prospects of societal constitutionalism as a possible remedy. Teubner’s claim is that critical accounts of law and society require reformulation in the light of the sophisticated diagnoses of late modernity in the writings of Niklas Luhmann, Jacques Derrida and select examples of modernist literature. Autopoiesis, deconstruction and other post-foundational epistemological and political realities compel us to confront the fact that fundamental democratic concepts such as law and justice can no longer be based on theories of stringent argumentation or analytical philosophy. We must now approach law in terms of contingency and self-subversion rather than in terms of logical consistency and rational coherence.
solidarity shared much with natural law understandings of the social order. Durkheim employed the concept of anomie to depict the ruptures in social solidarity and the sense of belonging that came with the decline of established religious moral authority.5 The shift from traditional mechanistic interdependencies or gemeinschaft to new, yet to be fully realised forms of 4147 Inglis–Are the Irish different_BB_Layout 1 29/07/2014 09:26 Page 46 46 Bryan Fanning social solidarity was for Durkheim a sociological puzzle. It was understood by many European Catholic thinkers as
Irritating nation-state constitutionalism
nation state occurs as an evolutionary process moving in two different directions: constitutions evolve in transnational political processes outside the nation state and, simultaneously, in global society's ‘private’ sectors outside of international politics. 7 When the sociology of law addresses these problems, it returns to the beginnings of sociology as such. According to leading
Contingency or transcendence formula of law?
of justice appears, if at all, as a political, not as a legal project. So is justice itself, the most profound expectation that people have of the law, the blind spot in the distinction between law and society? Two external observers of law and society, Jacques Derrida and Niklas Luhmann, shed light on this blind spot and ask whether there is something specific that the sociology of law – as compared to
Peter Murray and Maria Feeney
Church, state and social science in Ireland Several of the Irish Catholic sociology books just discussed begin with an outline of natural law and it is regularly invoked in all of them. Thus Fr. McKevitt (1944: 8) argues that, while the natural law does not lay down rigidly the type of social institution that men must adopt, history also shows that ‘man has a limited range and that he cannot comfortably fit into any type of society’. Referring to English industrial capitalism he observes that ‘violation of the natural law brings its retribution, though the evil may
The ‘real’ crime obsession
criminal law. Given the increased tendency to employ regulatory initiatives to enforce corporate obligations, discussed later in this monograph, it is especially unfortunate that the definition of crime in Ireland has not grown sufficiently to accommodate corporate wrongs. However, the sociological approach to defining crime clarifies this longstanding marginalisation. It explains that crime must be deemed morally reprehensible by society and that this operated to reflect and reinforce 14 The traditional architecture of enforcement social mores and values at