Regulatory transformation and thecoreexecutive
Japan and its politics has long been a significant topic of research. With
the emergence of observers highlighting the transformation of the state
after the 1980s, the nature and transformation of the Japanese state of
the period offers a timely contribution to understanding governance and
public policy scholarship. The case studies in Part II explicitly disclose
the significance of thecoreexecutive as key to explaining governance
and regulation, with its unusual approach based on the conventional
The evolving coreexecutive in response
to burgeoning ICT
The move to more liberalisation within markets after the 1980s marked
a significant disjuncture in many economic sectors. In the case of
the ICT sector, where market liberalisation has had a significant
impact in many countries, liberalisation has meant a distinctive change
from monopoly (often by the state/state corporation) to market-driven
The case of Japan’s ICT sector offers a potentially useful example
because of its history of market competition dating back to 1985, when
This book explores the transformation of the Japanese state in response to a variety of challenges by focusing on two case studies: Information and Communications Technology (ICT) regulation and anti-monopoly regulation after the 1980s, which experienced a disjuncture and significant transformation during the period, with particularistic approaches embracing competition. The case studies set up the state as the key locus of power, in contrast to pluralist and rational choice schools, which regard the state as insignificant. The analytical framework is drawn from key theories of governance and the state including the concepts of the core executive and the regulatory state. The book explores the extent to which there is asymmetric dominance on the part of Japan’s core executive through an examination of recent developments in the Japanese regulatory tradition since the 1980s. It concludes that the transformation of the Japanese state in the two case studies can be characterised as Japanese regulatory state development, with a view that the state at a macro level is the key locus of power. This book explores the transformation of the state and governance in a Japanese context and presents itself as an example of the new governance school addressing the state, its transformation, and the governance of the political arena in Japanese politics and beyond, setting out a challenge to the established body of pluralist and rational choice literature on Japanese politics.
close circle of core state actors: thecoreexecutive. State transformation is the set of processes reconstituting
the state, in which thecoreexecutive exploits opportunities to reshape
its existing capacities and develop new forms of intervention to sustain
its position as the dominant policy-making actor (Richards 2008: 97–8).
What is key here is thecoreexecutive’s resources and strategic-learning
capabilities, drawing on its asymmetric structural position within the
Within this broad analytical framework, I illuminate the concepts
1977 AMA amendment (first
2005 AMA amendment
(introducing a leniency
Figure 5.1 Timeline of the development of Japan’s anti-monopoly
The impact of the SII resulted in prioritising the enhancement of the
JFTC and anti-monopoly regulation (see Figure 5.1).
The transformation of Japan’s anti-monopoly regulation has had a
gradual impact on thecoreexecutive in this field. With its independence of authority, the JFTC has not only fended off party politician
intervention but also
Jarle Trondal, Martin Marcussen, Torbjörn Larsson and Frode Veggeland
. It is the GS and the President that have
the obligation to co-ordinate the activities of the different services
underneath. Moreover, the ambitions of the current President of the
Commission are to foster a more horizontal co-ordination of the services,
contributing to increased presidentialisation of thecoreexecutive of the
Union (see Poguntke and Webb 2005).
One essential part of the presidentialisation of the Commission
administration is the role of the political level of the Commission
consisting of the College of Commissioners and their Cabinets. As a direct
Mazur 1995: 5).
As such, women’s political machinery operates as a challenge to gender norms
within thecoreexecutive and achieves this disruption through simultaneous
‘insider’ and ‘outsider’ activism (Sawer 1990).
To date the role of such women’s political machinery in immigration
policy-making has not been extensively explored, despite the fact that the establishment of a Gender-Based Analysis Unit within CIC accompanied the enactment
of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (2002) (Cdn) (see only Abu-Laban
and Gabriel 2002; Boucher 2007, 2010; Dauvergne et
its complex decision making and executive
functions, a process that many people feel will do nothing to redress, and in
fact will exacerbate, the problems of the EU’s technocracy. To get a bead on
the ambivalence of the Treaty of Rome, the tensions of civilization and
barbarism that animate the EU, we will revisit what Benjamin might have
called the ur-phenomenon, the original ‘Treaty of Rome’.
The mythic Treaty of Rome
In Rome: The Book of Foundations Serres (1991) uses the vast and rich diversity
of archaeological, historical and mythological trackings and
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
Vogel’s (1996) study of Japan’s ICT
regulation and financial regulation. In line with this previous literature,
the evidence of this book identifies this traditional tendency through the
accounts of current and former civil servants, revealing an orientation to
industrial development in the ICT sector in the 1980s and 1990s.
The reconstitution of the Japanese state has been accompanied by
changes of power within thecoreexecutive, which has also resulted
in the transformation of a developmental state led by civil servants as
described by Johnson. Powerful party