The three kingdoms were at war for nineteen of the twenty-five years that followed the Revolution of 1688 and it was in this context that the Jacobites developed an underground movement in each of the three kingdoms and a shadow-government-in-exile. These sought to undermine the new order by political and propaganda subversion and to overthrow it by violent uprisings. But the Jacobite shadow-government and the Jacobite movement in each kingdom faced different problems and was presented with different opportunities. The Jacobite court was the site of a prolonged struggle between the movement’s Protestant and Catholic parties, while each kingdom’s Jacobites responded to the opportunities and problems they faced in different ways and with different levels of success. Hence the creation of a pragmatic government-in-exile, the decline of Jacobitism in England, the consolidation of the Jacobite base in Ireland and the development there of a culture of resistance, and the rise of Jacobitism in Scotland as a consequence of the constitutional Union of England and Scotland in 1707.
The period after the Hanoverian succession in 1714 presented the Jacobites with new opportunities which they attempted to exploit by a major uprising in 1715. Despite widespread support for the Jacobite cause (particularly in Scotland because of the Union) George I and the Whig Ascendancy that came in with him were able to hold on to power and comprehensively defeat their Jacobite enemies. In the aftermath the Jacobites had to reconstruct the movement in England and Scotland and find a way to overthrow the Hanoverian kings and their Whig ministers. This led to the English Jacobites’ Atterbury plot in 1720–2, the discovery of which, and the arrests that followed, shattered the movement there for a generation. Meanwhile the Irish Jacobites waged their own cultural struggle against the English-controlled government of Ireland with considerably more success, and Scots Jacobitism steadily revived as a consequence of the Whig regime’s continued failure to deal effectively with Scotland’s grievances as a consequence of the Union.
Following recent historiography, the chapter calls into question the overlapping of the foundation of the Red Cross and the origins of humanitarianism. At the same time it explains why the birth of the ICRC marked a turning point: it led to the completion of acts that were already in progress, it catalysed the different forces in action and it intercepted shared opinions and feelings. In the first instance the new organisation directed aid and treatment work towards war victims, marking for a long time the main boundaries of humanitarian action. As well as this, the initiatives promoted by the Genevan committee as early as the beginning of the 1860s for soldiers struck down by enemy fire or illness encouraged an interpenetration between humanitarianism and warfare. This took a leap forward in the Franco-Prussian War and then again in the First World War. At the same time, Europe became the centre-stage for humanitarian operations.
In the feminist Pantheon John Stuart Mill and William Thompson have always featured high, somewhat screening the constellation of progressive literati, men of thought, letters and action who also vindicated and promoted women’s rights. It is the purpose of this book that these men’s voices can be heard. Male voices on women’s rights brings together a unique collection of original nineteenth-century texts, mixing seminal, little-known, or forgotten writings ranging from 1809 to 1913. It comes as a timely complement to the rare scholarly studies undertaken in recent years on men’s roles in the history of feminism, and will be welcomed by anyone interested in its intellectual sources. The documents, drawn from diaries, essays, parliamentary speeches, pamphlets, newspaper articles, or sermons, testify to the part played by the radical tradition, liberal political culture, religious dissent, and economic criticism in the development of women’s politics in nineteenth–century Britain. They also give some useful insight in the (often emotional) tensions, contradictions, or ambiguities of positions provoked by shifting patterns of masculinity and re-definitions of femininity, and will help revise common assumptions and misconceptions regarding male attitudes to sex equality. This text collection provides more than just source reading: Its substantial historical introduction adds value to the interpretative framework preceding all selected extracts, thus rendered immediately exploitable by students and teachers alike.
A short introduction offers an overview on the first part of the book, which opens with the earthquake of Lisbon (1755) and it analyses a long time frame (until the end of the nineteenth century). The different chapters reconstruct the emergence of a new ‘culture of sensibility’, the establishment of the anti-slavery movement and the development of relief activities in the colonial territories, at the will as much of the missionaries as of the administrators sent from the metropolises. Through these events and processes, the practices, knowledge and experience accumulated in Western societies that later encouraged the setting up of the contemporary humanitarian system. The first part of the volume examines the ‘archaeological’ phase (in Foucault’s sense of the term) of the development of that system.
This short introduction offers an overview of second part of the volume. It highlights humanitarianism’s focus on the victims of armed conflicts and begins with the foundation of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in 1864. Stemming from Genevan philanthropy, the ICRC aimed to reduce the degree of cruelty in war and to aid those soldiers struck down by enemy arms or by illness. The success of its programme was partly the result of the wide and rapid accreditation the new body managed to obtain from the European governments. In the First World War, civilians became the primary recipients of the ICRC’s assistance. In the post-war years international aid was planned to combat hunger, epidemics and population displacement, and humanitarianism acquired a new meaning in the overall transition of the European countries from wartime to peacetime. The same function was relaunched and strengthened after the Second World War, when humanitarian programmes became the symbol of the victorious powers’ will to write a new start for the history of humanity.
This short introduction offers an overview on the third part of the book, which opens on the development programmes that, from the early 1950s, made up the main activity of international aid, now fully deployed on a global scale. The aim of these programmes was the economic and social advancement of Third World countries and flanked interventions for the industrialisation and mechanisation of agriculture, projects for sanitation, education and professional training. The areas of activity on which international humanitarianism grew over time became an integral part of development politics. In the late 1960s, the armed conflicts that shook the fragile and still mobile postcolonial set-up brought back to the centre of humanitarian action aid for the victims of war. The conflict immediately following the secession of Biafra from Nigeria (1967–69) was just the first in a series of dramatic events that captured public attention. Such emergencies formed the complicated context in which international aid was mobilised.
Chapter two charts educational reformers who prized the female intellect and supported its development. It delineates the social advantages to be derived from educating girls better and allowing them access to universities. It contains proposals for improving the public educational system and extending its curriculum.
The origins of the Jacobite movement lay in the Revolution of 1688, a confessional Revolution that drove out the Catholic James II and VII and his family. Like most revolutions this was a traumatic event, inaugurating profound changes in the nature of politics and government. This chapter correspondingly explores the Jacobites’ role in terms of both resisting the new order through civil war in Ireland and Scotland and by allying themselves with the new order’s enemies in Europe. The strains and difficulties of winning the war at home and abroad then forced the Williamite regime to take measures to defeat them that compromised its initial objectives and disillusioned key elements in the Revolution’s support base.
The chapter explains why the anti-slavery movement is considered an important component of the archaeology of humanitarianism. It shows that the battle against slavery was intimately connected with the recognition of the suffering of other human beings, different because of their servile condition, from another race and from often geographically distant populations. This recognition was considered in itself a demonstration of humanity and Christianity. The chapter shows that the abolitionist cause was associated with ‘modern’ forms of mobilisation adopted by the anti-slavery activists who – especially in Britain – enlisted the support of wide segments of the population to exert pressure on national institutions and government. The creation of associations, information campaigns, popular petitions and widespread boycotting of products from the plantations were significant expressions of the new development of collective action against the slave trade and slavery. The chapter explores the global dimension that places anti-slavery in the pre-history of international humanitarianism: the commitment to the abolition of slavery and the trade in human beings connected different countries and continents, charting a vast field of action and promoting a close network for exchanging information, experience and knowledge. This global expansion, however, cannot be considered independently of the different national and imperial contexts which influenced the motivations behind and tendencies in abolitionism.