International Relations

Striking the balance
Tricia Bacon

Counterterrorism has become a pillar in the U.S.–India strategic partnership, albeit one that experiences frictions, periodic crises, and conflicting interests. There are clear limitations on the counterterrorism relationship, primarily because of Pakistan and differing priorities. As a result, the counterterrorism relationship actually benefits from being downgraded in the priorities of the bilateral relationship, as it has been in recent years. With little prospect for either country to make the changes that would improve the counterterrorism relationship because those changes are not currently in their interests, deprioritizing counterterrorism helps the broader strategic partnership. Overall, steady and incremental progress is still a positive and achievable expectation for both sides, especially in areas such as capability building and technical exchanges.

in The future of U.S.–India security cooperation
Legacies of defense organizational processes
Frank O’Donnell

Despite growing U.S.–India defense technology trade, there are visible limits to progress in defense technology sharing and manufacturing cooperation. This chapter first details the organizational behavior model of bureaucratic effects on defense policy, and why the nature of contemporary U.S.–India defense technology sharing and manufacturing cooperation is best understood through this model. It then explores the current status and projected trajectories of these two separate strands of the broader U.S.–India strategic partnership. The chapter argues that their conflicting “organizational essences” – the core understanding of bureaucrats of their agency’s mission and image of success – are too ingrained to expect substantively more in this realm of bilateral cooperation than what is already being conducted. Reforming such systems requires a level of political intervention on both sides that neither administration appears willing to make. In such a strategic partnership where bureaucratic interactions play a prominent role in defining its evolution, and these interactions take the form of conflictual organizational essences, the optimal approach for both capitals is to adopt a gradualist approach in developing their partnership. As such, they should seek consensus where they can, and attempt to downplay, or ideally abandon, the contrasting teleological expectations that currently bedevil the relationship.

in The future of U.S.–India security cooperation
An important moment for strategic action on collective cyberdefense
Jamil N. Jaffer

This chapter argues that the U.S. and India currently face an important moment in their overall strategic relationship and that the common threats facing these two nations argue in favor of a further deepening and strengthening of the relationship, particularly in the cyber domain.  Specifically, the chapter places the efforts between the U.S. and India to find common cause on cyber matters in the context of the broader strategic relationship between the two nations and their efforts to work with other partners to address these threats within and outside of the Indo-Pacific region.  The chapter also describes the need to create a cyber collective defense capability between these two nations and how confidence-building measures might lead to the creation of a substantive real-time threat-sharing and collective cyberdefense capability, including interoperable systems that allow real-time assistance, as needed.  The chapter also offers a series of actionable recommendations that could help create a joint bulwark against key regional threat players, including China and North Korea, as well as external actors that are generally hostile to American interests, including Russia and Iran.

in The future of U.S.–India security cooperation
An Indian view
Rajeswari Pillai Rajagopalan

U.S.–India relations have seen transformative shifts in the two decades 2000–20. The rise of China and the strategic implications of this on the two countries have been key to this transformation. This has had its impact on U.S.–India space cooperation as well. Though the two countries have about five decades of cooperation in space, with a gap in the 1980s and 1990s, the relationship is yet to develop its full potential. The relationship can scale to greater heights if there is a determined and pragmatic approach to space cooperation in both Washington and New Delhi, especially between the two space agencies. Given the China factor and the larger strategic uncertainties in the Indo-Pacific, there is an increased likelihood of Washington and New Delhi working together on all aspects of space cooperation, including in the military space domain. There are also concerns about possible security implications of growing Russia–China collaboration in the space sector, which could also drive India and the U.S. a lot closer in the coming years. Despite these mutual concerns, cooperation between the two countries has not been easy due to some of the lingering after-effects of Indian anger at U.S. technology-denial regimes. These have hampered the prospects of building a strong and dynamic partnership. The chapter concludes by identifying a few pragmatic steps to remove some those hurdles and promote a strong space collaboration agenda between India and the United States.

in The future of U.S.–India security cooperation
A path toward cooperation
Victoria Samson

The United States and India, both major space powers, have long worked together on civil space efforts but have not done much in regard to space security cooperation. This is a real missed opportunity, as each country has a lot to offer the other in terms of shoring up their national security and the stability of the space domain overall. This chapter discusses potential ways in which the U.S. and India can work together on strategic space issues. It begins by providing a snapshot of current U.S. government policies related to space security in order to understand U.S. goals in space and how India might help it meet them. Next, it discusses the U.S. space situational awareness sharing program and the value it would bring both the U.S. and India to exchange their own data. Then, it highlights the importance of bilateral discussions and active multilateral negotiations related to space security issues, paying special attention to the challenges presented by anti-satellite tests to the security and stability of the space domain. The chapter then examines space-based maritime domain awareness policies and priorities for the U.S. and propose ways in which the two maritime powers can use space to enhance maritime security. It ends with a plea for the Indian government to formalize a national space policy and/or strategy, as that will expedite strategic partnership in space between the two countries.

in The future of U.S.–India security cooperation
Carol V. Evans

This chapter argues that U.S. and Indian vital strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific region are strongly converging, which gives promise to an expanded and deepened bilateral intelligence relationship.  Geostrategic challenges posed by China’s demonstrable military and economic presence along India’s land borders and its trade and energy routes in the Indian Ocean will place an increasing demand on India’s limited intelligence resources, paving the need for enhanced intelligence cooperation not only with the U.S., but with the Five Eyes community as well.  What has been missing in the many discussions of the U.S.–India defense intelligence relationship is an analysis of how U.S.-Indian intelligence cooperation can be enlarged.  The chapter addresses this research gap directly by outlining a deliberate roadmap for incremental measures to augment strategic and tactical-level intelligence sharing between the U.S. and India.

in The future of U.S.–India security cooperation
Abstract only
Towards diplomacy as global governance
Iver B. Neumann

Increasingly, diplomats seem not only to represent states and negotiate with one another but also to work in tandem to shore up the global system overall. Diplomats are trying to reduce tension and state collapse by mediating in crisis environments. Not only multilateral diplomacy, but bilateral diplomacy as well, seem to be focused increasingly on global governance. The conclusion therefore argues that, while the rise of non-Western powers like China and India and the continuing Realpolitik approach to diplomacy taken by Russia seem to uphold and strengthen a state-centric ‘old’ diplomacy, we are nonetheless witnessing the emergence of a new variant of diplomacy that may be traced back to the European Enlightenment and that has now come to focus on global governance.

in Diplomatic tenses
The case of Harry Potter’s realms
Iver B. Neumann

The chapter opens by discussing how diplomacy is represented in popular culture and the arts. Since few people have first-hand knowledge of it, and it is rarely given much news exposure, most people owe their understanding of diplomacy to such representations. These representations have legitimacy effects, feeding back into how diplomats represent themselves to the public and therefore how politicians represent issues to the public. Representations of diplomacy thus have an indirect constitutive effect on diplomacy. The chapter gives a concrete example of an imagined diplomat, from the world of Harry Potter. When the rector at Harry’s school, Albus Dumbledore, draws up plans for defending his world against Voldemort, he pays particular attention to forging an alliance against him. To get the giants on board, Dumbledore sends half-man-half-giant Hagrid as his envoy. The chapter discusses this case of imaginary diplomacy as a comment on how states seek to liaise with indigenous peoples. What emerges is that a version of diplomacy now rarely found in scholarly literature – so-called anti-diplomacy, which sees relations to the Other in terms of confrontation between good and evil and diplomacy as an exercise in gathering the forces of good – seems to be hibernating within popular culture.

in Diplomatic tenses
Abstract only
A social evolutionary perspective on diplomacy
Author: Iver B. Neumann

This book complements extant histories of diplomacy by discussing change in the form of tipping-points, understood as the culmination of long-term trends.

The first part of the book discusses social evolution on the general level of institutions. The diplomatic institution has undergone four tipping-points: between culturally similar small-scale polities, between culturally different large-scale polities, permanent bilateral diplomacy, and permanent multilateral diplomacy. The consular institution has seen three: the emergence of the consul as the judge of a trading colony, the judge as a representative of the state, and the imbrication of the consular institution in unitary foreign services. The second part challenges extant literature’s treatment of diplomacy as a textual affair and an elite concern. It lays down the groundwork for the study of visual diplomacy by establishing diplomacy’s visual genres, discussing how diplomats spread images to wider audiences and drawing up a taxonomy of three visual strategies used for this purpose: a hegemonic and Western strategy, a national strategy, and a strategy that is spiteful of Western hegemony. Two case studies discuss the evolving place of the visual in one diplomatic practice, namely accreditation, and the importance of the social imagination. One possible evolutionary effect of the latter seems to be as a lair of hibernation for the otherwise threatened idea that diplomacy is not about dialogue but about the confrontation between good and evil. The book concludes by seeing the future of diplomacy in a continued struggle between state-to-state-based diplomacy and diplomacy as networked global governance.

Iver B. Neumann

The chapter complements historical discussions of diplomacy by understanding its emergence in terms of social evolution. I draw on Eldredge and Gould’s idea of punctuated equilibria or tipping-points, understood as the culmination of long-term trends. Taking note of two tipping-points for human cooperation generally, namely big-game hunting and classificatory kinship, I go on to identify four tipping-points for diplomacy. These are regular and ritualized contacts between culturally similar small-scale polities; regular and ritualized contacts between culturally different large-scale polities; permanent bilateral diplomacy; and permanent multilateral diplomacy. I round off by discussing what seems to be a trend on its way to become a new tipping-point, namely that states increasingly hybridize their diplomacy by working with and through non-state actors.

in Diplomatic tenses