This chapter examines the challenges faced by feminists working in the Asia-Pacific and the opportunities open to them to negotiate space and voice within security studies. The gendered legacies of colonialism have an ongoing impact upon the Asia-Pacific's relations with the 'West'. The chapter recognizes the excellent work by feminists in other academic disciplines and draws upon this to examine why the field of security studies has remained resistant to sustained feminist interventions. The positivist tradition in security studies which dominates mainstream theorizing of security encompasses both the realist and neoliberal approaches to state and regional security. The chapter explores the emancipatory project of critical theory and the possibilities of transposing it into a feminist context in the Asia-Pacific. Theorizing on emancipation must include the insights of an array of non-Western and postcolonial critical feminists working on issues of insecurity.
John P. Willerton and Geoffrey Cockerham
Central to post-Soviet Eurasian security calculations and economic stabilisation efforts are Russia's power interests and efforts to reclaim a leadership role in the region. This chapter examines the fledgling organisational arrangements, under the aegis of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), which have been used to channel the transformation of the former Soviet Union (FSU) area and to re-establish a zone of linked FSU states. The desire of anti-Soviet Russian Republic officials to maintain Russia's sphere of influence and to limit full independence for the Soviet republics was communicated during 1990-1991, well before the August coup and subsequent appearance of the CIS. Geographical realities interconnect the security needs of the FSU states, but underlying infrastructural and resource linkages constantly complicate any CIS member's unilateral calculations and behaviour.
The analytical framework
This chapter discusses the analytical framework used in this study of the United Nations' role in intra-state peacekeeping. The study uses historical structural method to analyse the normative discourses of relevant actors in peacekeeping environments. It establishes whether questions pertaining to objectives, functions and authority are addressed by the relevant actors in any direct or obvious sense and then analyses significant clusters of normative views in relation to peacekeeping environments, focusing on the extent to which differences of opinion and perception between crucial actors have a bearing on the UN's response to intra-state conflicts in the different periods.
This chapter examines the extent to which a reordering of security boundaries is either desirable or possible in East Asia. Scholarship on regionalism in East Asia has begun to engage with the changing profile of security agenda. The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) tends to be cited as the only security arrangement in the Asia-Pacific. However, ASEAN Plus Three (APT) cooperation began in December 1997 when leaders of ASEAN joined an informal summit with their counterparts from Japan, China and the Republic of Korea. By addressing the nature of comprehensive security within East Asia, the chapter also examines some of the tensions inherent within East Asian concepts of security. By considering the concept of human security, it explores the possibilities and constraints for the emergence of more normatively progressive sets of security discourses and practices, and of space for a range of critical actors.
This chapter focuses on the normative change in the international peacekeeping operations of the United Nations (UN). It explains that the normative basis of UN peacekeeping in intra-state conflicts has evolved unevenly but appreciably in terms of both objectives and authority from the early 1960s to the early 1990s. It analyses the collective expectations of the international community, focusing specifically on the objectives and authority of the UN in relation to intra-state peacekeeping environments in the two specified time periods.
David P. Calleo
It seems an especially appropriate moment for American scholars to consider the long-term issues of Eurasian security. With the Americans occupying and protecting Japan, East Asia's postwar political climate was set by its own Cold War, by the antipathies between the United States, China and Russia. The United States, the obvious victor of the Cold War, began the new era as the only superpower in an increasingly integrated global system. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. In the 1990s, only the United States had an active foreign policy beyond its own sphere. US policies that irritated the Europeans in the 1990s infuriated the Russians. American policy in the 1990s had been abrasive not only towards Europe and Russia but also towards China.
Edited by: Tami Amanda Jacoby and Brent E. Sasley
For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.
For analytical purposes, the Burtonian approach is divided into three categories in this chapter: the entry decision, behaviour within the workshop structure and the behaviour of the facilitator. Before studying John Burton, the theory of rational choice needs to be examined. The rational choice approach can be seen to be a subgroup of J. Habermas's teleological model. It offers a model of optimising behaviour, or, as psychologists see it, the rational choice paradigm is a heuristic device for interpreting behaviour. Burton bases his explanation of entry on rational choice theory or, more generally, on a model of strategic action. The strategic action model which relies on the notion does not investigate the beliefs and motivations of actors, but imputes them for predictive and explanatory purposes. By employing a rational choice framework, Burton presupposes non-arbitrary access to the objective domain of behaviour on the part of the researcher.
Policymakers say they need and want very good intelligence. Decisionmakers might be better off if they understood the limitations of intelligence but this would place them under intolerable psychological and political pressures. One reason for the intelligence errors about Iraq's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs is that the US believed that Iraq had an extensive denial and deception program. This explained why the US was seeing only scattered signs of the program. Designing policies that are likely to succeed if the intelligence is good but that will not fail disastrously if it is not is difficult. The main change to come in the aftermath of 9/11 is the establishment of a Director of National Intelligence (DNI) with significant powers over the entire intelligence community.
A veiled threat
Thomas J. Butko
In the Middle East, security is strongly influenced by politicized forms of fundamental belief systems. This chapter examines the dual role of political Islam, with specific focus on Palestine and the case of Hamas, the Islamic Resistance Movement, in the West Bank and Gaza. Hamas is gaining in popular support due to renewed violence in the Middle East and the Palestinian population's increased endorsement of suicide or 'martyrdom' operations against Israeli targets. Throughout its short history, Hamas has continued to depict its movement most fundamentally as a clear and viable alternative to the secular forces led by the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). The uncompromising position assumed by Hamas, toward both Israel and the PLO moderates willing to negotiate with the Israelis, is clearly intended to gain adherents to Hamas' more 'revolutionary' approach to the Palestinian issue.