This chapter explains why an understanding of the political economy of security is important, especially in East Asia. It details the geopolitical conditions that have made politics and economics such inextricably intertwined, mutually constitutive forces across the region. The historical experience of the East Asian half of the Asia-Pacific serves as a powerful reminder that international orders are ultimately social processes, which are realized within specific geopolitical circumstances. The chapter briefly introduces some of the more important theoretical innovations that have made the political economy perspective such an important part of contemporary debates about security and international relations. It gives more detailed consideration to the East Asian experience, explaining what is distinctive about it, as well as how and why East Asian political elites have been keen to promote and defend their approaches to development.
Meeting the challenge of internal security
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling
This chapter investigates the EU's emerging role as a provider of internal security policies, what we call the policies of protection. The EU has targeted two general threats to internal security, organised crime and terrorism. The rationale for collective or coordinated action to combat organised crime and terrorism is highly developed. An elaborate set of policy principles define the balance between member-state and EU prerogatives. The EU has sponsored a series of institutional innovations that have created general networks between law enforcement and judicial authorities as well as networks specific to certain categories of crime or security threat. There are three major initiatives in the area of policing, particularly when it comes to serious crime. They are the broadening Europol competencies, the creation of joint investigation teams (JIT), and efforts to generate threat assessments of organised crime towards facilitating common policies within the EU.
Preempting disorder along the periphery
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling
The rise of the EU as a security actor is connected with the fact that the threat spectrum has broadened. This chapter explores the responsibilities assumed by the EU and the resources it possesses to implement conflict prevention measures. It explores the internal rationale for the EU as a security actor and examines the goals, principles, norms and rules in the field of conflict prevention. The chapter entails the presentation of the various treaty provisions, mode of decision-making, and financial arrangements that demarcate EU competencies in the policy area of conflict prevention. It presents the specific action and programmes undertaken by the EU as well as the resources expended in the field of conflict prevention. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the EU's effectiveness as a security actor in the field of conflict prevention.
Projecting force into an uncertain world
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling
In the immediate post-war period, Western European security was contingent upon the successful recovery of the European economy and institutionalised political cooperation to meet the common Soviet threat. The gradual emergence of a European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) reflected two sets of concerns, one internal and the other external. Creating an EU that can function as an autonomous actor with a global military presence remains the most vexing security policy challenge facing its member states. The Berlin-plus arrangement has three key institutional components. First, it assured the EU access to North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) planning capabilities for preparing and executing EU-led crisis management operations. Second, it made NATO assets and capabilities available to the EU; and third, it created EU-NATO consultation arrangements facilitating the use of NATO assets and capabilities.
Peace-building in south-eastern Europe
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling
This chapter examines the European Union's peace-building role and assurance policies in the region of the western Balkans, where intrastate strife occurred between 1991 and 2001. It considers EU civilian efforts in re-establishing peace, stability and prosperity in the aftermath of the Bosnian, Macedonian and especially the Kosovo conflicts. The chapter explores the extent to which core EU values and principles are transferred into EU peace-building activities and the extent to which institution building and civilian tasks are pursued with persuasive instruments. The activities of the Stability Pact (SP) and the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) were both complemented and strengthened through EU peace-keeping and police training missions. The adoption of the SP and the SAP has given the EU an opportunity to extend its system of security governance and to create an expanding zone of stability in Europe.
Limitations and possibilities
This chapter clarifies the role of relevance structures, typifications, language and discursive rationality in conflict and conflict resolution processes. Problem-solving workshop conflict resolution forms a framework for mutual cultural adaptation. The participants need to find a 'scheme of translation' to produce ways to understand each other and to create a shared reality. Since the problem-solving workshop offers a context for mutual adaptation, it needs to be studied how typifications change in that context. Face-to-face interaction between the conflicting parties is one of the core ideas on which most of the problem-solving conflict resolution approaches rely. Discursive rationality is fundamental in the context of problem-solving conflict resolution, because it contributes to the prevention of the further breakdown of 'sociality' and facilitates the finding of a shared language game. Since the workshop is an encounter where mutual cultural adaptation can take place, problem-solving workshop conflict resolution consists of discursive possibilities.
Third-party intervention is one form of conflict resolution among legal regulation, the deterrence model and bargaining and negotiation. Third-party activity has traditionally been theorised in three ways. The focus has been on 'intermediary activities', 'general conflict theory' or the 'negotiation system'. The traditional view which emphasises mainly on intermediary activities studies third-party tactics and identities. The fourth approach to third-party intermediary activities can be found in problem-solving conflict resolution, which John Burton's theory exemplifies. Three problem-solving conflict resolution schools emerged, namely, the London, Yale and Harvard schools, which employed International Relations theorising and practical techniques differently. A comparison of three problem-solving approaches reveals that the Harvard group led by H. Kelman emphasises that international conflicts are not simply the product of misunderstanding and misperception. Real conflicts of interest or competing definitions of national interests are often, according to Kelman, at the centre of disputes.
Joshua B. Spero
This chapter examines the role of multilateral cooperative efforts and institutionalised security cooperation in the Eurasian area through a study of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation's (NATO) Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme. It focuses on several aspects of the PfP's contribution to Eurasian security. Long-term civil-military exercise programmes across Europe and Eurasia were soon developed through the PfP. Non-predatory bandwagoning states, as those joining the PfP, generally try to attain gains not through aggression, but from extending the bandwagoning state's value system. The PfP processes represent a practical cooperative security framework between NATO and individual PfP states involving defence, operational and budgetary planning, military exercises and civil emergency operations. If it continues to receive significant support from the NATO countries, PfP can maintain the bridge of greater political and military understanding between Europe and Eurasia.
P. Terrence Hopmann
A wide range of institutions have appeared in the Eurasian region since the end of the Cold War that have a role to play in Eurasian security. Among these institutions the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is unique, because it is the one institution that has a clear-cut mandate in the field of security that includes all of the parties involved in Eurasian security. The vital role in conflict prevention, management and resolution represents the comparative advantage of the OSCE, and it is to the OSCE that the United States should give its support to perform this role more effectively. In the aftermath of the collapse of the Berlin Wall, the OSCE began to increase its capacity to manage conflicts despite the very modest mandate of the Conflict Prevention Center (CPC).
Tony Blair, humanitarian intervention, and the “new doctrine of the international community”
Ambivalence about war and its purposes is by no means a historical novelty, and nor are deeply felt and carefully articulated principles and codes concerning the conditions under which it can be justified, or limits to its conduct. Tony Blair defended the rightness of the 1999 NATO incursion into Kosovo with the assertion, "This is a just war, based not on any territorial claims, but on values." Blair himself is quite clear that states are not and cannot be altruistic. Their impulses to humanitarian action are inspired by a more familiar calculation of national interests, or at least tempered by them, as his conditions make plain. Humanitarian need in distant lands never overwhelms national interest; instead, when the two coincide, the humanitarian goals are deployed to overwhelm international law, and possibly to win public support.