Politics
Transatlantic relations have been a core issue in security in Europe—especially West Europe—since the end of World War II. This chapter examines the nature of the transatlantic relationship and its Cold War evolution. It then considers its development during the years since 1989. It argues that the crises in Bosnia and Kosovo have played a key role in helping to refine and reshape the nature and basis of the relationship during the period since the Cold War ended. The ‘transatlantic relationship’ was essentially a product of World War II. Prior to American involvement in that conflict—informally from 1940 and officially from December 1941—the United States had, with one exception, chosen to remain aloof from European security affairs. The onset of the Cold War had the effect of both extending and institutionalising the military-ideological relationship that had developed between the United States and the UK since 1941. This chapter also looks at the ‘Atlantic Community’, the Atlantic civic community, South East Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and challenges to the Atlantic Community.
This chapter analyses the external dimension of European Union (EU) counter-terrorism, a crucial aspect in the fight against international terrorism, which has been much and hotly debated. The external dimension of the EU counter-terrorism policy represents an important element in the possible construction of an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), as making the EU secure depends at least to some extent on successful co-operation with countries outside the EU. The chapter demonstrates that the EU institutions, in particular the Commission and the Council Secretariat, have played an active and significant role in the policy developments, the role of Supranational policy entrepreneur (SPEs), albeit to different degrees across policy areas. It focuses on four major aspects of EU-US counter-terrorism co-operation relating respectively to intelligence, police and law enforcement, the financing of terrorism, and justice.
This chapter outlines the development of the external dimension of the EU policy on asylum, migration and borders through an analysis of both its normative and policy dimensions, as well as the role of EU institutions, in particular the European Commission, in the policy-making process. The external dimension of the EU asylum and migration policy received a new impetus following the signing of the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1997. On 4 November 2004, the Council adopted the Hague programme, which established the objectives to be implemented in the whole Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), including the asylum and migration policy. According to the supranational policy entrepreneur (SPE) model, a political entrepreneur stands at the policy window in order to propose, lobby for, and sell a policy proposal.
This chapter explores the historical and political background of co-operation between European Union (EU) member states on external border issues. Border security continues to be seen as an important internal security issue in some member states. The chapter analyses the core elements of the Union's emerging common external border management, with a focus on the creation of the EU's new External Borders Agency and the Schengen Borders Code. The language problems in an integrated border guard force, consisting of officials from twenty-five different member states, could only be resolved by agreement on one official language. Since the 2002 Council Action Plan and, as a result of the border security challenges linked to EU enlargement, the Union has made significant progress towards an integrated management of its external borders. The chapter evaluates the progress made, including the limitations and the future prospects of 'integrated external border management' in the enlarged Union.
The Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) experienced significant growth in the late 1990s and the early part of the new millennium. This chapter provides a historical genealogy of the social norm environment of decision-makers in the AFSJ in the period until the Tampere Council Summit in 1999. It considers an analysis of the legal norms in the policy area in order to demonstrate the changing nature of the 'constitutional' arrangements. The chapter argues, that these legal and normative changes are indicative of a political process that could potentially lead to supranational governance in the AFSJ. It also argues that, despite clear normative developments up to Tampere in 1999, decision-makers remained attached to the norms of national sovereignty. This chapter provides prima facia evidence to suggest that the EU institutions, in particular the European Commission, attempted to play the role of a supranational policy entrepreneurship (SPE) in the AFSJ.
In focusing on markets and commerce, this chapter discusses the complex cross-border institutions designed to encourage crossborder economic activity, and the cross-border flows of economic actors in their roles as tourists, commuters and students. It is concerned with the impact of devolution on everyday life through the prism of cross-border commerce. The story of cross-border economic cooperation is linked to the creation of North-South implementation bodies in 1999 under Strand Two of the Good Friday Agreement. The chapter shows how cross-border linkages and flows, with a consequent impact on everyday experience, have increased since 1999. One area where there is a strong impression of a cross-border market or commercial life working to its optimal level is that of shopping. Crossborder shopping is an issue that periodically (and temporarily) becomes a favourite topic for media interest and political oratory.
Counter-terrorism has emerged from the shadows of the European Union's (EU) Third Pillar, propelled into the limelight by the events of September 11 and maintained by terrorist incidents in Spain and the UK. This chapter considers the relative prioritisation of counter-terrorism within the crowded internal security pillar and examines 'implementation gap'. Initially relegated in importance at the outset of the Third Pillar arrangements, counter-terrorism has been propelled to the forefront of the EU's internal agenda, driven by the demands of the 'War on Terror'. Pre-enlargement, the EU's record was unimpressive across the gamut of internal security arrangements. The labelling of such internal security competences, including counter-terrorism, as a 'matter of common concern' will be placed under the spotlight, in terms of the commonality both of the problem facing the EU and the nature of their response. The lack of commonality will have consequences in terms of organising an EU-wide response.
This chapter provides an overview of the foreign policy priorities and interests of the new member states (NMS), highlighting areas of match and mismatch with those of the European Union (EU) fifteen. The NMS have been active in both civilian and military operations. They have approached these operations with the same political pragmatism that has shaped their attitude to EU-North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) relations: support the EU while keeping the US on side. The chapter examines the capabilities the NMS bring to European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) to tackle these policies, to determine whether a new capabilities gap will emerge or whether enlargement will help overcome the capability shortfalls. It assesses the impact of enlargement on ESDP decision making and leadership. It concludes with an overall assessment of the opportunities and risks enlargement brings to ESDP and thus its ability to enhance the EU's role in international security.
This book examines the impact of the Kosovo crisis, which reached its peak of intensity in 1998–1999, on the continuing evolution and development of key issues relating to post-Cold War European security overall. In measuring this impact, the discussions begin with the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). The book considers structural issues as well as the impact of the conduct of Operation Allied Force—the NATO bombing campaign of March–June 1999—on both the internal workings of NATO and the expansion of its geographical areas of interest and remit within Europe. It also offers a detailed account of the difficult, occasionally tortuous, but ultimately essential diplomatic co-operation between Russia and NATO members which accompanied the ongoing air campaign in the spring and early summer of 1999. One of the favourite ‘lessons of Kosovo’ drawn by commentators and observers since 1999 has been to do with the extent to which Operation Allied Force painted up a military ‘capabilities cap’ between the European members of NATO and the United States.
This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book explores how depoliticisation of Northern Irish society is occurring at the level of everyday life in Northern Ireland. It examines how it is being resisted and how, in spite of the apparent enshrinement of an unquestioning acceptance of the benevolence of the current political leaders, a politics of normality is emerging from the years of conflict. The book explores the argument that conflict management should mean more than simply security-based or violence-related initiatives; rather, a 'sustainable peace is dependent on the political, economic and social choices which the relative absence of violence allows'. It also explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics.