This chapter examines the challenges facing women who want to participate in politics in Northern Ireland and touches upon the relationship between women inside and outside politics. It draws upon survey research to show changes in public attitudes and discusses outreach programmes that support women who wish to become involved. The chapter traces the post-Good Friday Agreement (GFA) journey for women through the political institutions and demonstrates that while some progress has been made, more is required. The Northern Ireland Local Government Association, supported by Arlene Foster MLA (then Environment Minister), introduced an annual networking dinner in Parliament Buildings for women politicians. The election to the first Northern Ireland Assembly followed within months of the GFA. In assessing the gender deficit, female MLAs in the 1998 Assembly cited male culture and attitudes as obstacles to their participation.
Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war
Mikkel Vedby Rasmussen
War is never civilised', British Prime Minister Tony Blair declared on 10 June 1999, 'but war can be necessary to uphold civilisation.' In the context of the debate on the futures of European order, Blair's construction of the Kosovo war may be seen as an illustration of Samuel Huntington's scenario of some forthcoming 'clash of civilisations'. Adam Ferguson coined the term 'civil society' in An Essay on the History of Civil Society. Ferguson suggested that civil society was the vehicle of civilisation, being the result of what Norbert Elias was to term the 'civilising process'. Like other constitutive texts of the post-Cold War world, Huntington suggests that the end of the Cold War has been a moment of becoming. The West will have to realise, Huntington argues, that 'its Europe' is fundamentally different from 'Orthodox Europe', the Europe of Russia and, indeed, of Serbia.
Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign
Jean Baudrillard's diagnosis of the Gulf War applies to the expression of organised violence in contemporary politics. This chapter describes that Kosovo campaign lends evidence to the suspicion that war as such no longer 'takes place', but that it has transmogrified into a different game with a different logic. As Paul Patton argues in his Introduction to Baudrillard's The Gulf War, virtual war, the war over truth rather than territory, is an integral part of modern warfare. North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has conducted an epistemic war to secure its privileged moral status, fighting against the systemic anarchy of the international system, the inherent ambivalence and undecidability that necessitates and demands the political designation of identity. The chapter analyses NATO's virtuoso campaign to virtualise Operation Allied Force in order to represent itself as the virtuous actor in the messy reality of war.
EU institutions have become very controversial, either for their absolute power, or, alternatively and conversely, for their impotence. This chapter conceptualises the institutions' role in the integration process on two levels: the treaty level of the EU and the policy-making level. The Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) has been one of the anomalies of EU policy-making over the last few years, as it provides the most complicated decision-making structures of all areas with the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice. There are three policy-making institutions at the EU level, that is, the Council, the European Parliament and the European Commission. The chapter provides an introduction to the concept of supranational policy entrepreneurship (SPE) in order to provide avenues for further development. Various scholars examine the role of European institutions in detail, notably through the prism of SPE, a concept derived from John Kingdon.
European Union policy in South-east Europe
Under the administrations of George W. Bush, and in the aftermath of September 11, US policy priorities have shifted from the Balkans towards the Middle East and the 'War on Terror'. Thus, the European Union (EU) has assumed the primary position in funding and managing reconstruction and development in the Balkans. In addition, the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, a framework for building co-operation and peace in the region, has gained prominence as a vehicle for transforming the region from conflict to peace and prosperity. The Pact's aims are to foster democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms; to preserve multinational and multi-ethnic diversity; and to ensure the safe and free return of all refugees and displaced persons. Ethnic differences were used as a tool by various parties in the region to turn uncertain economic and social prospects into national conflict for personal gain.
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith
The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has taken a prominent security role in international attempts to make work the political settlements in Bosnia, Kosovo and, to a lesser extent, Macedonia. Just as NATO's ‘humanitarian intervention’ over Kosovo highlighted the normative tension between the doctrine of non-intervention in sovereign states versus efforts to promote respect for human rights that transcend state boundaries, the subsequent efforts at peace-building have revealed other normative conundrums. For NATO and other international institutions, this has made South East Europe a normative labyrinth where democracy, ‘stateness’, identity and security are difficult to bring together. This chapter examines the international attempts at peace-building in the former Yugoslavia by focusing on the challenges to efforts to bring lasting stability posed by democratisation, ethnic nationalism and the promotion of security. It also discusses the Dayton agreement and its impact on human rights and multiculturalism in Bosnia, the Stability Pact, and nationalism's relationship to democratic norms.
Negotiating gender identities after the Good Friday Agreement
This chapter focuses on gender as an analytical identity category in the context of a changing, yet still deeply unequal, Northern Ireland. Unlike ethno-national identity, and to a lesser extent class, many women expressed a sense of their gender difference as something that was always there, omnipresent from their earliest childhood memories, that the sense of difference was innate. Several women talked at length about gender inequality in Northern Ireland as an observable social reality. A more promising analysis of gender inequality was offered by a much smaller number of women who recognised not only the extent to which such inequality impinges on their lives but also the potential to challenge and change it. Champions of equality were excited by the signing of the Good Friday Agreement on 10 April 1998 due to the specific inclusions with regard to human rights and equal opportunities.
Kosovo and the Balkanisation–integration nexus
Peter van Ham
In Europe's security discourse, 'Kosovo' tends to allegorise the Balkanisation of Europe, the ultimate metaphor of chaos and disintegration which supposedly is the antithesis of the real Europe of peace and stability. The challenge for the EU has been to prevent a slow drift from a postmodern politics of family resemblance to a narcissistic policy of passive self-absorption and epistemic closure. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO's) air campaign has legitimised not only new European order (NEO) realism: it has made another step in legitimising the structure of meaning that circulates in the very debate on 'European security'. The discourse of 'European security' produces a parallel paradigm of European sovereignty, a paradigm that faces serious challenges of local resistance (of the still-resilient state), as well as external opposition.
Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro
This book is about the relationship between societies and their instruments of coercion at times of great political and societal change. It traces the scholarly and policy origins of the security sector reform concept, locating its recent rise to prominence in earlier debates about development, security and civil-military relations. The book takes a comparative approach to the concept and policy of security sector reform in transforming societies. It examines the security sector reform experiences of two paired case studies, Croatia and Serbia-Montenegro, through a systematic analytical framework. The book then analyses security sector reform at the political level, the organisational level and the international level in each country. It discusses the political legacy and the organisational legacy of the 1990s in each country. The book analyses the various strategies that international actors have used to try and encourage security sector reform in the two countries, including the provision of reform assistance programmes, and the application of pre- and direct conditionality. It traces how the reform process has impacted on issues of role, force structure, expertise and responsibility in the security sector itself. Finally, the book draws out a series of more generic conclusions regarding the security sector reform concept as a whole and its relationship to wider processes of political and societal transformation.
Serbia-Montenegro confronted a formidable series of political level security sector reform challenges in October 2000. The practices and policies of the Miloševic´-era in relation to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia security sector had a lasting impact on security sector reform in Serbia-Montenegro. They left a legacy of legislative ambiguity, organisational fragmentation, conservatism, partification and corruption that have hampered the implementation of democratic reforms across the Army, police and intelligence agencies. Between 2000 and 2003, defence and security policy planning and implementation processes in Serbia-Montenegro were effectively frozen by the pressing first generation reform challenges of the time. Between 2000 and 2006, security sector reform at the political level in Serbia-Montenegro was dominated by the fundamental first generation challenges of institutional and legislative restructuring and reaffirming civilian control over the security sector. Despite attempts to suppress it, civil-society in Serbia and in Belgrade remained dynamic and vibrant during the Miloševic´ period.