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Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla
in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla
in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Just war and against tyranny
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

This chapter starts with the 'just war' doctrine and its proponents from antiquity until the Renaissance, which was the framework, together with natural law, of the idea of waging war (a 'just war') in order to save people from tyranny and maltreatment. On the Renaissance roots of humanitarian intervention there is disagreement as to the progenitors and as to whether such roots exist in the first place, given the absence of the vital non-intervention principle and the danger of condoning imperialism via saving people from maltreatment in faraway lands. The possible progenitors and their views are divided into two groups: the lesser-known cases, which include the monarchomachs and Bodin; and the mainstream that is the four main father of international law that is Vitoria, Gentili, Suarez and Grotius. Another proponent is Vattel. We downgraded the role of Vitoria and Suarez as progenitors.

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

Among the handful of humanitarian interventions of the nineteenth century, the intervention in Cuba is the most controversial in view of the U.S. reluctance to leave Cuba and the huge advantages accrued, including acquiring even the faraway Philippines. This chapter presents the arguments for or against regarding the U.S. intervention as humanitarian, that are equally balanced and the views of the three sides in this troubled triangle: Cuban independence fighters, Spain and the U.S. (President McKinley, the Senate, key figures, press, public opinion). Then the events leading to the showdown are presented which indicate that the U.S. was until the eve of the war reluctant to intervene militarily if it could be avoided and Cuba pacified. Following the intervention, whose justification was officially mainly humanitarian, the gradual tendency to also ‘grab’ the Philippines is examined in detail and the arguments of the anti-imperialists for this not to happen. The chapter concludes by reassessing the situation, especially as regards the U.S. and concludes with the views of publicists and other commentators then and today which on the whole have failed to agree as to the humanitarian character or not of this case.

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Kenneth D. Brown

Virtually the only part of Herbert Gladstone's career that has attracted more substantial interest from later historians was his role as Liberal Chief Whip between 1900 and 1906. Indeed, it is probably true to say that his papers provide a fuller insight than anyone else's into the activities of a party whip. In his own reflections on the outcome of the 1906 election Gladstone gave pride of place to the pact he had negotiated with the Labour Representation Committee. Rising interest in the matter of working-class representation in parliament was another source of Liberal dissension and one that was brought into sharper focus after 1893, when the Independent Labour Party was established. In the course of the 1890s, Gladstone took a lead in arguing the case for greater labour representation in Parliament and in trying to shift the Liberal stance on licensing reform.

in Labour and working-class lives
How the Communist Party of Great Britain discovered punk rock
Matthew Worley

This chapter demonstrates how and why a section of the Young Communist League (YCL) came to embrace punk as a signal of youthful revolt at least somewhat in tune with the objectives of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). It considers the party's debate on youth culture as a means to expose tensions that served both to enliven but also to fragment the left over the later twentieth century. The Socialist Workers' Party's support for and involvement in Rock Against Racism have, understandably, overshadowed the CPGB's more piecemeal interaction with punk-associated cultures. But while YCL members may not have seized the initiative as decisively as others on the left, some revealed themselves attuned to punk's early stirrings and engaged in wider debate as to the youth cultural changes over the later 1970s.

in Labour and working-class lives
The Labour Party, the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and the opinion of ILP members
Keith Laybourn

This chapter argues that the Labour Party and the Independent Labour Party (ILP) disaffiliation debate was a continuing theme throughout the inter-war years and not just confined to the years 1929-32. Historians have generally agreed that the ILP's disaffiliation in 1932 was a product of the tensions that had been developing since the end of the First World War. The 1918 Labour Party constitution committing Labour to socialism, 'Socialism in Our Time' and The Living Wage, as well as personal conflict, conspired to ensure that the ILP pushed forward to disaffiliation in its attempt to speed up the move to socialism. The ILP's 1932 Easter conference discussed disaffiliation but delayed making a decision. The breaking of the ILP's link with Labour led to the further collapse of ILP membership and the complete reshaping of Scottish Labour politics, in which the ILP had been the powerful player.

in Labour and working-class lives
Malcolm Chase

This chapter examines George Howell's historical writings and considers how far these reflected his political views and shaped his contemporary reputation. The extent of Howell's emotional investment in his historical writing is evident in his diaries and unpublished autobiography. Howell dissected each review, for example from the Daily Chronicle, the Atheneum, the Daily News and the Manchester Guardian. The historical section of the 1891 Trade Unionism New and Old was shorter than The Conflicts of Capital and Labour, the bulk of the later work being devoted to analysing the new unionism of the 1880s. Howell's concept of trade unions 'as successors to the old gilds' is open to criticism on a number of grounds. In the official biography of Beatrice and Sidney Webb, Howell's historical efforts were swatted aside as 'simply a plagiarism from Lujo Brentano'.

in Labour and working-class lives
Abstract only
Keith Laybourn and John Shepherd

Professor Christopher Wrigley has been a leading authority on British labour and trade union history, and nineteenth- and twentieth-century British history more generally, with much of his writing in the form of biography. Chris was a Labour member of Leicestershire County Council between 1981 and 1989, acting as Labour Chief Whip in 1985 and 1986, and leader of the Labour group between 1986 and 1989. He was also a Labour member of Charnwood Borough Council between 1983 and 1987, acting as deputy leader of the Labour group. The ubiquitous nature of Chris's work makes it difficult to encompass all of his research interests into one volume of essays. Although Chris has written extensively on the British Labour Party, the co-operative movement and May Days, and co-edited Britain's Second Labour Government, 1929-31, much of his work has been presented through the prism of biographical history.

in Labour and working-class lives
Essays to celebrate the life and work of Chris Wrigley

This book reflects upon the wide range of Chris Wrigley's research and publications in the study of the various aspects of British labour history. It presents a set of themes revolving around the British labour movement and the lives of those connected with it. The book begins with a discussion on biography in the shape of George Howell's work on trade unions and presents Herbert Gladstone's view that the unions emerged from the medieval workers guilds. Chris was also interested in political figures connected with progressivism and the labour movement, which is reflected in the examination of Gladstone's role in the Liberal Party. There is an examination of the Co-operative Party in the north-east of England, the 1911 National Insurance Act, and the relationship between the unions and the Labour Party. The inter-war British labour politics is covered by the disaffiliation of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) from the Labour Party and by a study of the Progressive League. British and German working class lives are compared in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Female trade unionism is dealt with a focus on Association of Women Clerks and Secretaries (AWCS). The contribution of the Lansburys is brought by an essay on the role of the family members in working-class politics, including women's enfranchisement. The book also deals with the attempt by the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) to engage with punk music, and ends with a discussion on the theme of Labour disunity.