Sociology

Motivations and aspirations: the drawing of the fault lines

This chapter provides an in-depth analysis of who the ‘dissidents’ are and what motivates them. The chapter details personal testimonies of a wide spectrum of radical republican activists, including members of organisations, independents and individuals who were active in the Republican Movement prior to the formation of the Provisionals in 1969. This chapter details interviewees’ locations, occupations and family backgrounds, including the significance of family tradition on political activism. The fault lines of modern ‘dissident’ republicanism can be traced to the 1970s; therefore this chapter reveals testimonies of individuals who were active in the Provisional Movement during that period and provides an insight into the formation of RSF through unprecedented interviews with individuals who followed Ruairí Ó’Brádaigh out of the 1986 Ard Fheis to reassemble as RSF. Further, the chapter examines the ‘holy grail’ of republicanism – the Hunger Strikes – and examines Richard O’Rawe’s arguments which have permeated throughout the radical republican narrative. While ideological breaking points have been significant, this chapter details the significance of resentment and perceptions of betrayal towards the Sinn Féin leadership. Through personal testimonies, this chapter provides an unprecedented insight into the motivations of individuals who stayed with the Provisionals through major ideological shifts to then depart more recently.

in Unfinished business
The impact of Paris Université Club’s US tours and the individual in sports diplomacy

Meet Martin Feinberg, the sole American basketball player on the storied Paris Université Club (PUC) roster in 1956. That December, Feinberg organised a team tour through the American Midwest, the first such journey undertaken by a French basketball club. PUC’s travels (including a 1962 visit) were not subsidised by the US government and were thus not ‘official’ exchanges. The trips were nevertheless strong examples of sport’s ability to carry social and political messages with deep consequences. Basketball was first played in Europe in 1893 in a small sports hall located at 14, rue de Trévise, in Paris, France. Basketball, however, remained a niche endeavour in a country that favoured British sports, notably football and rugby. The young PUC players who travelled to the United States were thus not the ‘typical’ representatives of their generation. Yet many of them, even the more anti-American socialists, came away with favourable impressions of France’s sister republic in most matters, save that of race relations. ‘Barnstorming Frenchmen’ examines how the earliest French-American basketball exchanges created lasting impressions on young players in ways traditional diplomacy and diplomats rarely could. Set against the larger context of post-war French anxieties and reconstruction, French–American Cold War diplomacy and race relations in both countries, these trips are noteworthy.

in Sport and diplomacy
When the talking stops

According to the International Olympic Committee and FIFA, the independence of sport is one of the most sacrosanct principles. Proclaimed in the Olympic and FIFA Charters, the ‘autonomy’ of sport has to be protected and preserved. Yet, in light of the financial dimension of sport alone, its separation from politics is in reality a myth. In the social stakes, sport has become a classic field of intervention for politics. In this light sport may be seen as an ideal way to sanction or punish a state that is considered unacceptable. The sports boycott then becomes a diplomatic tool to be wielded alongside other political tools. The chapter presents a conceptual understanding of boycotts and their place in global diplomacy, as well as familiar examples from the Cold War and more recently.

in Sport and diplomacy

In this exploratory chapter, the authors investigate if and how sport may be used as a tool to advance the success of peace support operations (PSO). This is done based on a review of existing literature in both the Sport for Development and Peace and PSO fields, as well as information on relevant activities going on ‘in the field’ and a first round of interviews with Colombian and German officers. The authors start with an examination of sport as a tool for peace building and the nexus between sport and the military. Outlining the characteristics and challenges of today’s complex PSOs, they identify docking points and ways in which sport may be used to mitigate those challenges. The authors focus on four areas: multinational military–military cooperation, international civil–military interaction and PSO relations with the local population and the local authorities and armed forces. Acknowledging some restraints due to the nature of these operations’ constellations and dynamics, they propose six preliminary models for the use of sport to support mission success and encourage academia, the military and SDP practitioners to look further into the field.

in Sport and diplomacy
Abstract only
The United States, the two Chinas and the 1960 Squaw Valley Winter Olympics

This chapter examines the inter-relationship of sport and diplomacy with specific reference to the 1960 Winter Olympic Games (held in Squaw Valley, California). More specifically, it evaluates State Department involvement in the ongoing issue of the recognition of the ‘two Chinas’ during the Cold War, with specific reference to international sport. Despite long-standing official non-involvement in international sporting matters, hosting the 1960 Games focused US diplomatic attention on the opportunities and problems presented by the Olympics within the wider Cold War. Crucially, the State Department extended considerable behind-the-scenes efforts both before and during the Squaw Valley Games in an attempt to ensure Nationalist Chinese participation. Overall, this chapter demonstrates that, despite claims of non-involvement, the State Department specifically utilised international sport – and particularly the Olympics – as a tool of diplomacy during the Cold War. This was drawn into particularly sharp focus when the Games were being hosted on American soil, as they were in Squaw Valley in 1960.

in Sport and diplomacy
Colonial cultures of sport and diplomacy in Afghanistan, 1919–49

In 1919, Afghanistan won its independence from British suzerainty. In each subsequent year, the state celebrated the event by staging military parades and organising cultural programmes – and sporting competitions. This chapter considers the independence games from the perspective of British diplomats in Afghanistan who also took part in the contests. In particular, the chapter studies the reports written by British diplomats on the games and explores how notions of fair play and athleticism were projected on the independent state of Afghanistan. The chapter asks if these reports are indicative of larger political and/or colonial ambitions. Complicating conventional assumptions on the primacy of the political in diplomatic relations, this chapter suggests that the physical encounter constituted a central feature in British–Afghan relations.

in Sport and diplomacy
The 1980 Moscow boycott through contemporary Asian–African perspectives

The chapter re-evaluates the 1980 boycott of the Moscow Summer Games, challenging the conventional wisdom that that boycott was a failure. Historians of sport and diplomacy have usually studied the 1980 boycott through the strained efforts of the Carter administration’s clumsy struggles to rally NATO allies, Australia and traditional Olympic sporting powers into not going to Moscow in retaliation for the December 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In fact, American sports diplomacy might be judged differently when seen from the perspectives of non-Western and non-sporting nations, particularly in Africa and Asia. More precisely, engagement in the boycott suited nationalistic purpose as perceived in 1980. ‘Carter’s boycott’ was effectively localised/nationalised, if outside Carter’s stated aim of making the Soviets pay a price for their aggression in Afghanistan. Rather than reading the 1980 boycott through the lens of the Soviet invasion and the beginnings of the Second Cold War, contemporary non-Western perspectives on the boycott showed a wide breath of positive interpretations/results from Olympic non-participation– ranging from public display of governmental fiscal austerity by corrupt regimes, to support for a growing pan-Islamic movement, to enforcing authoritarian rule at home.

in Sport and diplomacy
Individuals, institutions, ideologies

This chapter considers the ways in which selected perspectives from the new public diplomacy, as well as established forms of diplomatic study of both state and non-state actors, can illuminate and enhance an understanding of the history and growth of the governing body of world football and the ‘continental’ confederations recognised by FIFA. It reflects on the ways in which a rigorous study of sporting institutions such as FIFA can contribute to an understanding of the crossover between sport development, sport governance and related forms of diplomacy. A new analysis of the cultural and political dynamics of the developments of FIFA’s regional bodies warrants a forensic approach to the analysis of the historical phases of the Confederations’ emergence. The chapter therefore considers the cases of the formative years of CONCACAF and Oceania, small players initially in global football politics but by 2016 providing fifty-two full members of FIFA, almost a quarter of the powerbrokers making up the 209 members of its Congress. In conclusion, the generally unacknowledged contribution of sport governing bodies to forms of diplomatic practice and relations is reconsidered, in the comparative light of other studies within the book and the detailed consideration in this chapter of the selected phase of FIFA and Confederation development.

in Sport and diplomacy

As a settler-colonial nation in the southern hemisphere, Australia’s geopolitical positioning is consistently questioned. Australia’s relationship with Asia has become especially significant following substantial levels of Asian migration since the Vietnam War, and the increased economic importance to Australia of, successively, Japan, China and, potentially, of Indonesia and India. Sport, among other cultural forms, has been championed as a promising domain of diplomacy (broadly defined as encompassing political, economic, social and cultural exchange in both formal and informal environments). The opportunities for ‘football diplomacy’ are greatly enhanced when a common continental or regional governance structure allows Australia to be defined as an Asian sporting nation and so to host and participate in the 2015 AFC Asian Cup. Here, as in all sporting events, nations engage in overt competition, but this repositioning of Australia for a sporting purpose is symbolically unifying, and may signify a new mode of integration and collective identification that situates Australia within Asia in the Asian century. This chapter divines lessons from this case study that may apply in informative and useful ways to the wider analytical field of sport and diplomacy.

in Sport and diplomacy
The Chinese ping-pong team visits Africa in 1962

A decade before official 'ping-pong diplomacy', leaders in the People's Republic of China (PRC) used sports delegation visits to cultivate diplomatic relations with recently decolonised nations. In the early 1960s, the Sino-Soviet split, the rise of various Afro-Asian movements and decolonisation in Africa led to intense Sino-Soviet competition for socialist influence in the Third World. Officially presented to the Chinese public as ‘friendly’ sports exchanges, PRC leaders sought to expand their influence and prove Chinese socialism under Mao as an alternative (and superior) model to that of the Soviet Union. The chapter, based primarily on declassified official reports from Chinese archives, begins with the first major PRC sports delegation sent to Africa in 1962, a contingent of well-known ping-pong athletes. The visit helped Chinese leaders gather knowledge on new allies, officially express shared historical and political solidarities against colonialism and imperialism, and, through sport, demonstrate China's achievements through socialism. These visits sought to build diplomatic ties while promoting and shoring up support – foreign as well as domestic – for a Chinese brand of socialism that professed an alternative, non-Soviet path to socialist modernity.

in Sport and diplomacy